Faith, Fire, and Betrayal in the French Wars of Religion
The 1592 Siege of Vence

“Aim straight at the bell tower,” he shouted, “and let it fall with the first cannon shot!” The cry came from Scipion de Villeneuve, the Lord of Vence, in early June of 1592. It was near the end of the Wars of Religion, a time of chaos, bloodshed, and political intrigue that raged for almost 40 years throughout France. Scipion had earlier converted from Catholicism to Protestantism and, as a result, been banned from entering the Catholic city of Vence. He had demanded that his subjects submit to him, but they had refused. Now, he was camped outside the city walls, preparing to attack his very own subjects. He would soon be joined by a formidable Protestant army and their ruthless leader, Marshal de Lesdiguières. The situation looked bleak for the residents of Vence.

The story of this 1592 siege remains, to this day, one of the most enduring legends in the city’s history. You’ll find accounts of it in numerous books and articles. At its core, it’s a 16th-century retelling of David vs. Goliath, a tale of the victory of faith over blasphemy, piety over sacrilege, and loyalty over heresy. It’s a story of the triumph of Catholicism over Protestantism; a victory won through the city’s unshakable devotion to its two patron saints, Saint Véran and Saint Lambert. Every year, the events of this siege are commemorated in a procession and ceremony honoring the two saints. But, just how much of this story is actually true?

The legend of the Siege of Vence tells us that Scipion and Lesdiguières were there for one reason and one reason only: to convert the small Catholic city of Vence to the relatively new Christian religion of Protestantism. And while there is some truth to this, the real story is much more complicated. What really happened in June of 1592 involves far more than the simple tale passed down from one generation of Vençois to another.

Perhaps not surprisingly, accounts and retellings of the siege over the last four centuries often contradict each other. They rarely tell the exact same story. Sometimes, the differences are subtle, just minor details here and there. Occasionally, they are more significant. What makes things especially difficult for today’s historians is that many of the documents these earlier writers reference in their work have since disappeared, so they cannot be consulted and confirmed.

To fully grasp the 1592 Siege of Vence, we must also step back and examine not only the broader French Wars of Religion but also various regional conflicts, local political interests, and the ongoing disputes between the Lords of Vence and the city’s municipal council. Only by untangling these webs of alliances and rivalries can we truly understand what happened in Vence in June of 1592 and, more importantly, why.

In 2022, the historian Myrian A. Orban published a small paper entitled “Le siège de Vence (juin 1592).” It is the most in-depth examination of the siege to date. A specialist in the religious and political history of the Provence region during the late 16th century, Orban analyzed all the available historical sources and assembled what must be considered the definitive account of this siege.

The Historical Sources

The first account of these events comes from a long letter written to Scipion de Villeneuve by the Bishop of Vence, Guillaume Le Blanc, wherein Le Blanc implores Villeneuve to abandon Protestantism and return to the Catholic fold. It is dated July 8, 1592 (about a month after the siege), and as Orban says, it blends “history, fiction, and biblical narratives.” There is no mention of Lesdiguières (a key figure in the siege) anywhere in Le Blanc’s letter. It is Le Blanc who first claims that Scipion was defeated thanks to the divine intervention of the city’s two saints.

Mention of the siege can be found in a biography of Lesdiguières by Louis Videl titled Histoire de la vie du Connestable de Lesdiguières contenant toutes ses Actions, depuis sa
Naissance, jusques à sa Mort. Avec plusieurs choses mémorables, servant à l’intelligence de
l’Histoire Generale. Le tout fidellement recueilli par Louis Videl, secretaire dudit Connestable
vie (History of the Life of the Constable of Lesdiguières, Containing All His Actions from His Birth to His Death, with Several Memorable Events Serving to the Understanding of General History. All Faithfully Collected by Louis Videl, Secretary to the Said Constable.) The book was first published in 1638 and Videl claimed that the contents were sourced directly from Lesdiguières himself. It was republished in “revised and expanded” editions in 1649, 1650, and 1666.

Soffrey de Calignon was Lesdiguières’ secretary and companion-in-arms for many years. He wrote two accounts of Lesdiguières military operations at the end of the 16th century. One was titled Journal des opérations militaires de Lesdiguières, de 1586 à 1597 (Journal of the Military Operations of Lesdiguières, from 1586 to 1597) and the other Journal des guerres faites par M. Des Diguières escrit par M. le Président Calignon depuis l’an 1585 à 1597 (Journal of the Wars Waged by Monsieur de Lesdiguières, Written by President Calignon from the Year 1585 to 1597). The 1592 Siege of Vence is mentioned in both.

Count Douglas and J. Roman published several volumes under the title Actes et correspondance du connétable de Lesdiguières (Acts and Correspondence of the Constable of Lesdiguières). An account of the siege by Captain Laurent Arabin (companion-in-arms and engineer of Lesdiguières fro 1545 to 1637) is included in Volume Three with the title Mémoire de la Vie de Monseigneur le Connestable Des Diguières (Memoir of the Life of Monseigneur the Constable of Lesdiguières).

Several other historians of the region offer accounts of the siege including Honoré Bouche (La chorographie ou description de Provence, et l’histoire chronologique du mesme pays – The Chorography or Description of Provence, and the Chronological History of the Same Region – 1664) and Pietro Gioffredo (Histoire des Alpes-Maritimes / History of the Alpes-Maritimes – 1664).

Later, in the 19th century, noted Vence historians Eugène Tisserand, Gustave Lambert, Georges Doublet, and others would include descriptions of the siege in various books and articles. It is the recounting of the siege by Tisserand in his well-known book Histoire de Vence (The History of Vence – 1860) that Orban says is most responsible for the story we are told today. “It appears,” she says, “the ‘reinterpretation’ of this event began with his writings.” She continues, “It is possible that some of these events were inventions, raising questions about his true intent. Could it be that he sought to revive religious fervor, which was weakening at a time when both the French and Italian states were trying to control the churches?”

An honest and unbiased look at the events surrounding the 1592 Siege of Vence will hopefully lead us to the truth about what really happened. We must start almost fifty years earlier.

The French Wars of Religion

Contrary to the name, the conflicts during the Wars of Religion weren’t just about faith and religion—they were also about power, politics, and the struggle for control over the French throne. At the heart of the conflict were the Roman Catholic Church and the Reformed/Calvinist Protestants, two religious groups that couldn’t get along in a country that was supposed to be united under “Un roi, une foi, une loi” (one king, one faith, one law), a guiding principle of the French monarchy in the 1500s. But this was far more than a simple conflict between Catholics and Protestants—Spain, the Duchy of Savoy, England, and various Italian states played key roles, each pursuing their own interests.

By the mid-16th century, the Protestant Reformation had taken Europe by storm, and France was no exception. The Huguenots, as French Protestants were called, were inspired by the teachings of John Calvin and began gaining followers, especially among the nobility. This didn’t sit well with the Catholic monarchy and the powerful Catholic Guise family, one of the most powerful noble houses in 16th-century France. The rise of Protestantism was seen as a threat to the power and control of both the King and the nobles. Things escalated quickly, and by the 1560s, France was plunged into a series of wars that would last for nearly four decades.

The first official war began in 1562 after the infamous Massacre of Vassy, where the Henry, Duke of Guise and his men slaughtered a group of Huguenots worshiping in a barn. This act of violence ignited a series of brutal wars that saw both sides committing numerous atrocities. Peace treaties were signed multiple times, but they never lasted. Each truce was just a temporary pause before the next round of fighting.

Henry of Navarre – King Henry IV

One of the most notorious events of the Wars of Religion was the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre in 1572. What started as a royal wedding between the Protestant Henry of Navarre (earlier known as Henry de Bourbon) and the Catholic Marguerite de Valois (the sister of King Charles IX) turned into a bloodbath when thousands of Huguenots were murdered in the streets of Paris. The marriage was meant to unite Catholics and Protestants, but the massacre only deepened the divide. This event sent shockwaves across Europe and proved that these wars weren’t just about battlefield clashes—they were also about targeted assassinations and mass killings.

Henry of Navarre was born Catholic but raised Protestant by his mother, Jeanne d’Albret, the Queen of Navarre. After the massacre, he was forced to convert to Catholicism to save his life and was held in captivity at the French court for several years. In 1576, he escaped, reconverted to Protestantism, and rejoined the Protestant cause. By the 1580s, the wars had reached a turning point with what became known as the War of the Three Henrys—basically a power struggle between Henry III (the then current king of France), Henry of Navarre, and Henry, Duke of Guise (the Catholic League’s champion).

In 1584 the Duke of Alençon, François d’Alençon, died, leaving Henry of Navarre as the presumptive heir to King Henry III. This was utterly unacceptable to the Catholic population and many villages, towns and cities joined together in the Catholic League (La Sainte Ligue), a coalition formed to oppose any possibility of a Protestant King. The Protestants rallied around Henry of Navarre, eager to see a Protestant ascend to the throne. In the end, Henry of Navarre emerged victorious when his cousin, King Henry III, was assassinated in 1598, making him King of France and known from then on as King Henry IV.

There was a problem, however. He was a Protestant, ruling a mostly Catholic country. Paris, other Catholic strongholds and many of the Catholic nobles refused to accept a Protestant King.

The Catholic League

The Catholic League was a powerful political and military alliance of ultra-Catholic nobles and clergy in late 16th-century France, dedicated to opposing Protestant influence and ensuring a Catholic king ruled the country. It played a major role in the Wars of Religion and was the main force fighting against the Protestant King Henry IV when he assumed the throne.

Founded in 1576 by Henry, Duke of Guise, the League sought to completely eliminate Protestantism from France and defend Catholic dominance at all costs. It was formed in response to the growing influence of the Huguenots and the policies of some moderate Catholic monarchs who sought religious compromise. The League received strong support from Spain, particularly King Philip II, who wanted to weaken France and prevent a Protestant ruler.

The League felt King Henry III was far too lenient toward Protestants and strove to convince him to show less tolerance towards the emerging religion. They favored the complete suppression of the faith. In May of 1588, they staged an uprising against Henry and drove him from Paris, leaving the city in the hands of the League. In December of the same year, Henry III lured Henry, the Duke of Guise, to Blois under the pretense of negotiations and then ordered his assassination, along with that of his brother, Louis II, Cardinal of Guise. Outraged, the League declared open war against Henry III, and in August of 1589, he was assassinated by Jacques Clément, a Catholic fanatic.

Henry of Navarre ascended to the throne, the first Protestant king of France. The League, with Spanish backing, led an all-out war against him, supporting Charles, Cardinal de Bourbon, as a rival Catholic claimant to the throne. Henry IV fought a long and bloody war against the League, winning major victories, including the Battle of Arques in 1589 and the Battle of Ivry in 1590.

During the Wars of Religion, Provence became a contested battleground between the Catholic League, the royalist forces of Henry IV, and external powers such as Spain and Savoy. The city of Vence declared itself for the Catholic League, putting it at odds with the Huguenot-aligned troops of their lord Scipion de Villeneuve.

The Duke of Savoy – Charles Emmanuel I

The Duchy of Savoy played a key role in European politics from the Middle Ages through the 19th century. An independent state in the western Alps, strategically located between France, Switzerland, and Italy, the duchy controlled key Alpine passes between France and Italy, making it extremely valuable. The dukes of Savoy frequently changed sides in conflicts between France, Spain, and the Holy Roman Empire, depending on what benefited them most. Despite frequent French invasions and occupations, the Duchy of Savoy remained an independent state until 1860, when it was permanently ceded to France by King Victor Emmanuel II in exchange for French support in the unification of Italy.

For almost 50 years, beginning in 1580, Charles Emmanuel I ruled the Duchy of Savoy, making him one of the longest-reigning Dukes of Savoy. His reign was marked by territorial ambitions, conflicts with France and Spain, and efforts to expand Savoy’s influence in Italy. Aiming to strengthen Savoy’s position, he often played France and Spain against each other.

Emmanuel saw the French Wars of Religion as an opportunity to gain territory in France, especially in Provence. The region was a contested battleground between the Catholic League and the royalist forces of King Henry IV and he initially supported the Catholic League against King Henry IV. In 1588, he seized the Marquisate of Saluzzo, a French-controlled territory in Piedmont. This directly provoked France, as Saluzzo was a strategic foothold in northern Italy.

The Wars of Religion in Vence

By all accounts the end of the 16th century was a decidedly difficult time for the city of Vence. The French Wars of Religion left an indelible mark on France, and Vence was no exception. While much of the attention in history is given to larger cities like Paris and Lyon, Vence experienced its own turmoil as part of this larger conflict. The little city found itself caught in the middle of these feuds time and time again. Many people were killed, many homes demolished and many fields and crops ravaged and destroyed. The wars brought political upheaval, military strife, and lasting changes to the region’s religious landscape.

Like much of Provence, Vence had long been a Catholic stronghold, but the spread of Protestantism rattled the city’s stability. Claude de Villeneuve, Lord of Vence from 1556 to 1592, was among many nobles who embraced the new Protestant faith. Described by Donald Culross Peattie in his book Immortal Village as “brave, fiery, and free-thinking,” Villeneuve’s conversion only worsened the tense and contentious relationship between the city and its lord, leading to his alienation and banishment from Vence’s streets. Whether his shift in faith was a genuine expression of belief or, more likely, a strategic move against the more powerful nobles who remained loyal to Rome mattered little.

In fact he and his wife Françoise de Villeneuve were following the example set by two of Vence’s own bishops. Jean-Baptiste Rambaud de Simiane (serving from 1555 to 1560) and Louis Grimaldi de Beuil (from 1560 to 1576) had both renounced Catholicism and embraced the Protestant faith. Nearby villages, including Saint-Jeannet, Coursegoules, and Gourdon, had already converted to Protestantism. Still, Vence remained firmly Catholic.

Even the Crown appeared to be hedging its bets amid the political and religious turmoil. During these conflicts, two of the five French kings who reigned between 1547 and 1589 died violently, and one (Henry IV) changed his religion at least four times.

The region’s nobility was deeply divided—while influential families like the Villeneuves adopted Protestantism, others remained steadfast in their Catholic allegiance. This rift heightened local tensions, reflecting the broader national conflict between Protestant nobles and the Catholic monarchy in their struggle for dominance.

For many years the city was caught in the middle of minor skirmishes between the Catholics and the Huguenots. In the spring of 1562 it endured a short siege and then watched as their lord retreated during the summer to take refuge in his castle in Gréolières. In October of the same year the consuls (members of the municipal government) forbade all members of the new Protestant religion from entering the city and even from seeking refuge in the surrounding countryside. The property of Protestants was ordered to be confiscated and a census was taken to determine how many of the local residents had converted. About thirty Protestant families were found to be living in Vence.

As time passed tensions rose or fell depending on the circumstances. It became clear that Protestantism was not going to be quickly abolished. Still, the Catholic majority in Vence held enough power to keep those who embraced the Reformed faith beyond the city’s walls and gates. Protestants were permitted to gather for prayer and worship, but they were strictly barred from doing so within the city itself. The consuls debated about whether their dead could be buried in the parish cemetery. From time to time “respectable” Protestants were allowed to participate in the city councils.

In 1574, several deaths were reported due to fighting, including the city captain and a surgeon. In 1576, tensions rose again to a point where the bishop, Audin Garidelli, fled to Saint-Paul and refused ever to enter Vence again. The consuls joined a regional league, the League States of Provence (a faction of the Catholic League), with the intent to consolidate news and provide alerts of impending danger.

The Plague of 1579

The devastation of disease overshadowed these religious conflicts for a brief period. In May of 1579, the plague arrived in Cannes. Many felt it was a “punishment of war.” The focus shifted from religious and political matters to the simple struggle for survival. Shortly thereafter, the plague swept through Vence and its surroundings, forcing shops to close and decimating entire families. Since Bishop Audin Garidelli had earlier fled to Saint-Paul, the city’s inhabitants were left without spiritual leadership. Vence descended into lawlessness, with crime and corruption becoming rampant. Fear gripped the city as disorder took hold and crimes of all sorts went unpunished.

Rigorous controls were set up at the gates to the city, and quarantines were established in the tiny suburb of Les Arcs. Any item suspected of being contaminated was burned. Some fled to the countryside, while others stayed isolated inside the city walls. No records of the number of casualties were kept in Vence. When the plague finally subsided after three harrowing years, there was little relief—religious strife quickly resumed with renewed intensity.

The Wars Continue

On July 19, 1585, under immense pressure from the Catholic League, King Henry III was forced to abandon his pacifist stance regarding Protestantism and he issued the Edict of Nemours. It banned the religion outright, revoking any and all previous edicts of tolerance. The Huguenots were given six months to either leave the country or renounce their faith and convert to Catholicism. In October the deadline was reduced to fifteen days.

In the late 1580s, Baron de Vins led an army under the direction of the Catholic League that reclaimed nearly every city and town in the region that had been taken by the Protestants—except Grasse—restoring them to Catholic control. In 1591, a Protestant captain named De Cannaux demanded the surrender of Vence. When the city refused, he battered a breach in the ramparts and demanded a large monetary payment to leave the city in peace. Having received it, he continued on to Saint-Jeannet.

Soon after, Charles Emmanuel, the Duke of Savoy and a staunch Catholic, marched into Provence under the guise of consolidating these recent Catholic victories. Aligned with the League States of Provence, Emmanuel passed through Vence. Because he was Catholic, the people of Vence, along with their bishop and chapter, welcomed him and offered their support, unaware of his true motives. Religion was merely a pretext—the Duke’s real goal was to seize as much of Provence as he could for himself and challenge the king’s authority. He left behind in Vence one of his supporters, the Duke of Mayenne, and continued on towards Aix-en-Provence.

Henry IV saw past the facade and recognized Emmanuel’s attempt to move into Provence for what it was: an act of territorial war. Religion had nothing to do with it. For its part, Vence welcomed Mayenne, unaware that King Henry IV would soon see their support as an act of betrayal and treason. In 1590, the king sent the Protestant leader Marshal de Lesdiguières, the most notorious and deadly man on the scene, to reclaim Provence and conquer any cities that rebelled.

This is where things get complicated. Lesdiguières, in this perspective, was merely a military commander serving the king, nothing more than a mercenary for hire. Many of his soldiers were likely Catholic. How much the conflict between religions played into this military campaign is debatable.

In 1591, a Protestant captain under Lesdiguières, De Cannaux, demanded Vence’s surrender. When the city refused, he forced his way through the walls, plundered a significant sum of money, and then moved on to Saint-Jeannet. The city then sent a messenger to Cardinal de Joyese in Nice requesting that a new bishop be appointed, as it had been without one since 1588, when Audin de Garidelli died. Guillaume Le Blanc was appointed bishop of both Grasse and Vence on February 14, 1592.

By spring, control of Vence had shifted to Savoy, while De Cannaux established himself at the nearby Château of Malvans. Meanwhile, Coursegoules and Saint-Paul had returned to Protestant hands.

Before long, Emmanuel’s forces were driven from most of the region. Historians, however, remain divided on the nature of these battles and the impending siege of Vence. Some interpret the conflict as a religious war between Catholics and Protestants, while others view it as a simple political struggle. Henry IV was not sending Lesdiguières as a Protestant to launch an attack against the Catholic city of Vence. He was simply fighting to reclaim his territory by any means necessary. It’s also possible that the King was looking to punish Vence for siding with Charles Emmanuel and the Duke of Mayenne, at least as he saw it.

The Siege of Vence

In the spring of 1592, Lesdiguières was moving through the south of France at the bequest of King Henry IV. He conquered one city after another with his army, claiming them for the Protestant religion and keeping them firmly under Henry IV’s control. Claude de Villeneuve, Lord of Vence and a steadfast supporter of the Reformation had joined forces with him. Villeneuve died on May 13, 1592, drowning while attempting to cross the Argens River during one of the battles, leaving Lesdiguières in complete control.

Villeneuve’s son, Scipion de Villeneuve, resided in Cagnes-sur-Mer and succeeded him as lord. Aware of the long-standing tensions between his father and the people of Vence, he viewed the city as a defiant subject and demanded its immediate submission, threatening to call upon Lesdiguières for help if it resisted. When the inhabitants stood their ground, he made good on his promise and joined forces with Lesdiguières. Again, religion likely had little to nothing to do with his decision. He viewed a military campaign with Lesdiguières as the most likely way to subdue his subjects in Vence and reclaim his authority over them. In fact, it was probably Scipion who convinced Lesdiguières to attack Vence.

On May 25, Vence appealed to the League’s parliament in Aix for assistance, repeating its plea again on May 28. In response, the parliament dispatched deputies to Nice, where the Duke of Savoy was stationed, to urge him to support and defend the cities and towns of Lower Provence against Lesdiguières, which included Vence. The League-affiliated cities and towns waited hopefully as rumors spread that Emmanuel was preparing to move into the area with over 3,000 men.

Days passed, and there was no sign of support from Emmanuel. The Vence city council sent several envoys to meet with their lord and beg for mercy. They pleaded “that it may please him to relieve them with all his power and have compassion for his poor people.” Though Scipion received the envoys, he was either unwilling or unable to intervene. He told them that since he was now under the command of Lesdiguières, it would be necessary to negotiate a direct agreement with him.

When the envoys went to meet with Lesdiguières, he took them hostage and made it clear that he intended to take Vence. Some suggest that Lesdiguières may have offered to spare the city if they were to pay a significant ransom. Unfortunately, the small city could not meet this demand as it had been plundered, ruined, and ravaged for years by previous raids. There was no money left in the coffers to pay off Lesdiguières.

The most well known accounts of the siege state that Lesidguières arrived outside the city walls of Vence with his army of almost 8,000 men (and Scipion in tow) on June 2nd. They set up camp on the Saint-Michel plateau just outside the city’s ramparts and launched an assault on Vence.

At this point, some inhabitants, mainly Protestants, fled the city. Some took refuge in the nearby Saint-Laurent-La-Bastide, a possession of the Villeneuve family, and some joined in the battle. A strong Catholic faction led by Dominique Laure, one of the cathedral’s canons (a priest responsible for the liturgical and administrative functions of the church), remained in Vence, determined to defend the city. The city council records are blank from June 1 to June 10. Orban speculates that this is because the council members had either been taken captive by Lesdiguières, fled the city, or were preparing for battle.

In these versions the cannon fire was said to have struck the walls “like a thousand hammers.” The bell tower was damaged, and a small breach was opened in the ramparts. At night, the entire city took turns standing guard, keeping the breach illuminated with torches so that no enemy troops could break through into the city under cover of darkness.

A small Savoyard garrison was present within the walls, composed of foot soldiers and cavalry, who resisted bravely. They were, however, badly outnumbered. The defenders fought back with their lone cannon, but they were vastly outmatched. The fighting was brutal, with civilians caught in the crossfire, homes destroyed, and supplies depleted. It seemed impossible that the city could hold out against Lesdiguières’ army for long.

Inside the cathedral were two silver-plated busts of Saint Véran and Saint Lambert. As morale waned and hope faded, Canon Laure took the statues and climbed to the top of the bell tower. He placed the statues on the tower for the entire city to see. The people gathered in the square below. “Have faith!” cried Laure. “These are your patron saints. Saint Véran and Saint Lambert will not desert you. Together, they will protect the city from all invaders. You must believe! You must fight! You must not surrender! Your saints are with you!”

This symbolic act is commemorated in La Complainte du Siège de Vence, a small booklet published in the 1920s that recounts the siege’s events.

“Sorrowful brothers, all behold.
The big news,
Tonight, you will be free,
And Vence the beautiful!
Let us carry our Saints on the tower:
They will fight in their turn!
Soldiers, on the ramparts, under the Signadour!
Let us fight and pray: I attest,
God will do the rest! …”

Everyone in Vence knew how the two saints had often protected the city during the past centuries. They had repeatedly saved the city from invaders, plagues, disasters, and other catastrophes. Laure’s unwavering conviction and passionate plea restored the people’s faith. Their determination solidified, and everyone in the city vowed to fight with every last drop of resolve they could find. When Scipon saw the two saints atop the belltower, he mocked the city further, exclaiming, “Put a musket next to your saints, and we’ll see if they can defend you!”

A fresh cannon fire barrage pounded the walls again, igniting a fierce and brutal battle. But the sight of the saints’ busts rekindled hope among the townspeople, who rallied with renewed determination to defend their city. The legend says that from that moment on, every cannonball fired at Vence’s walls was rendered powerless. Some accounts claimed that none of the cannonballs could even reach the city walls. Some said that although they did hit the walls, they did no damage, flattening harmlessly against the stones and falling to the ground. Others claimed that not only did they not harm the ramparts, they actually rebounded off the city walls, striking down those who had fired them, killing hundreds of soldiers in the invading army, and destroying their weapons.

The people of Vence fought valiantly, holding their positions along the ramparts and redoubling their efforts. Inspired by the presence of their patron saints, they displayed remarkable courage. As the attackers advanced with battering rams and ladders, the defenders retaliated, hurling stones and pouring boiling lead down upon them.

In light of these developments, Lesdiguières quickly decided to end the siege, claiming that “Vence was not worth the effort” and that he would “waste no more time on a miserable little town that was not worth his powder.” In anger, he ordered his army to withdraw and headed towards the Estérels.

At first the inhabitants of Vence could not believe that the siege had ended. They sent men to track Lesdiguières’ army and when word returned that it was indeed on the road towards Antibes joy and celebration spread throughout the city. Dominique Laure returned the statues of Saint Véran and Saint Lambert to their altars in the cathedral. Songs were sung and prayers were offered to the two saints. Bullets which had been flattened against the ramparts were placed on the altars of the two saints.

Legend tells us that over 500 enemy soldiers lay dead outside the city walls. According to Tisserand it was nothing short of a miracle. Against all odds, Saint Véran and Saint Lambert had saved the city once again. As news of this “David and Goliath” tale spread across France, their role in the city’s survival became legendary. Over the centuries, this story has only grown in prominence and continues to be honored and celebrated to this day.

According to some accounts, the people of Vence played a more important role in the survival of their city. Some say that one night they used the breach created by Lesdiguières to make a counterattack, venturing outside the city walls and confronting Lesdiguières’ army head-on. A fierce battle ensued, and it was this sortie that resulted in the defeat of Lesdiguières.

What Most Likely Really Happened

According to Orban, some of what we read by Tisserand and other writers has to be considered suspect. She argues that the siege actually occurred in two phases, contrary to what many historians have stated. Orban says the Scipion likely arrived in Vence on June 3rd, followed by Lesdiguières’ arrival three days later on June 6th. This new depiction of the siege makes a lot of sense and helps to clarify some of the long-standing contradictions about what happened and when.

If this is true, why did Scipion arrive in Vence three days before Lesidguières instead of joining the two forces together? It’s possible that he overestimated the strength of his small army and/or the resolve of the inhabitants of Vence to defend their city. Or maybe he simply miscalculated Lesdiguières’ arrival? Either way, Scipion arrived first, and his troops trained their canons on the ramparts and the cathedral’s bell tower, bombarding the city with artillery fire.

Believing that Emmanuel and his troops were on their way to liberate the city, the people of Vence defended their home with passion and courage and Scipion was forced to suspend his attack until Lesdiguières arrived a few days later.

In this version, things begin to come into focus. If Scipion did indeed commence the siege before the arrival of Lesdiguières and if he was indeed forced to suspend his attack, it would fit the narrative of Le Blanc, who, for his own reasons, may have simply ended his version of the story with the initial defeat of Scipion and neglected to mention what may have transpired when Lesdiguières arrived.

In his account Luis Videl claims that Lesdiguières and Scipion were not defeated and indeed took the city by force:

“[…] Returning from this minor engagement, Lesdiguières attacked Vence at the request of the lord of the place, whom the League had dispossessed. He bombarded it with three culverins [small artillery pieces with long barrels that fired stone or metal balls of about one pound] and, after sixty shots, took the town, where there were many brave men who did not surrender without a fight. Returning to Antibes, a maritime city […].”

In the 1650 revised edition, the wording is changed in a small but very important way:

“[…] Returning from this minor engagement, he attacked Vence at the request of the lord of the place, whom the League had dispossessed; he bombarded the site with three cannons and, after sixty shots, took it by treaty. From there, he moved on to Antibes […].”

So is it possible that Vence surrendered? The term “took it by treaty” refers to a very common occurrence during these times. A city would often sign a treaty and pay a financial settlement to prevent being pillaged and sacked when a defeat looked imminent.

We have another account from Gioffredo in his book Histoire des Alpes-Maritimes from 1664, which says:

“On the same day [June 5], M. de Vence (Scipion) sought to take the namesake city and hand it over to M. de Lesdiguières. He left Antibes with three small artillery pieces and little ammunition and began bombarding the walls with fifty shots. But the site was well defended, and two courageous sorties were launched by Captains Salinas and Laura, accompanied by five hundred inhabitants. Moreover, it was learned that reinforcements were arriving from Nice, so they were forced to abandon the siege. Several cavalrymen and infantrymen were lost in the battle. Later, the city was attacked again and ultimately capitulated to the aforementioned Lesdiguières.”

This account comes very close to tying together all the loose ends and contradictory elements found in various siege accounts. Scipion arrived first. He had only small artillery pieces. Sorties from the city occurred as part of the defense. Scipion abandoned the siege. Lesdiguières arrived later and the city fell.

Another account by Bouche reinforces the fact that Vence eventually surrendered:

“Lesdiguières […] continued to move through the province with three cannons, bringing many castles this side of the Durance into obedience to the King. Returning from Cannes and Antibes, after having taken the city of Vence, he forced the surrender of Le Muy after three hundred cannon shots, under honorable terms for the soldiers but somewhat costly for the inhabitants.”

And to what do we attribute the story that the cannonballs bounced off the walls and killed the soldiers that had fired them, first suggested by Le Blanc? The fact is that Vence’s ramparts were very strong. It is speculated that Scipion did not possess iron cannons (very new at the time), but only a few old pieces of artillery and bombards (a type of artillery that fired stone or iron cannonballs). It is indeed quite possible that these shots deflected from the ramparts, doing minor damage rather than creating breaches in the walls. This led Le Blanc, when writing to Scipion, to exaggerate and claim that they “rebounded and struck your own people.” Most likely, Lesdiguières had far better, more modern cannons that might have done more damage to the Vence ramparts and necessitated the surrender of the city.

The Letter from Bishop Guillaume Le Blanc to Scipion

Shortly after the Siege of Vence, Bishop Guillaume Le Blanc wrote a long letter to Scipion imploring him to renounce Protestantism and return to the Catholic fold. He used the siege as an instrument of persuasion. Orban believes Le Blanc “deliberately does not mention Lesdiguières in order to align with his pastoral message: to encourage belief in the intervention of the saints and to combat Protestantism, which he sees as being in error for rejecting them as mere superstitions.” This letter is most likely where some of the more incredulous aspects of the legend originated. Here is a small portion of what Le Blanc wrote:

“What have you gained, my child, by coming to besiege and attack our city of Vence? To show that you were determined to target the Church, you aimed at the bell tower with your first cannon shot. At the very least, take profit now from this experience.

“Look up to heaven and recognize that there is a God, a God who visibly fights for us! A poor little people, deprived of all support and even of hope of having any, endured the siege against a large army, which included the principal heretical leaders of these provinces, withstanding cannon fire in a city that could not hold against such an assault. At first sight, everyone thought that the city should surrender immediately, but it did not, solely due to the encouragement and persuasion of a simple priest.

“Will you not agree that this is the voice of God? That the cannonballs, aimed directly at our walls, rebounded and struck your own people? That fear suddenly entered your great camp, causing it to flee so shamefully, while a handful of the inhabitants of Vence, not content with merely resisting the siege, made sorties, seized much loot, and defeated many of your men, including some of your leaders? Will you not call this the law of the Holy God, or would it be impiety to attribute it to misfortune or the hazards of war?

“My mitre, which you have mocked so many times, has shown more strength than all your weapons and armies; my crozier, which you have scorned, despising the paternal staff, has proven more effective than all your spears. My blessed saintly predecessors, Véran and Lambert, bishops of Vence, whom you ridiculed, saying that their silver reliquaries were placed on the walls alongside a musket to see if they could defend them, have shown more power with their intercessions to protect the city than you did with your cannons to destroy it.”

When Le Blanc wrote this famous letter to Scipion de Villeneuve shortly after the siege had ended, he spoke at length about the “law of the Holy God” and the power of the saints Véran and Lambert. His entire effort was predicated on the results of the siege being seen in a certain way. It should be noted that Le Blanc was not an eyewitness to the siege. He did not arrive in Vence until July 11th. Indeed, he would have heard first-hand accounts from the local population, but everything he recounted was second-hand. Any serious historian must approach Le Blanc’s account of the siege with a healthy dose of skepticism. After all, he had a significant stake in how history remembered the event.

Scipion would later convert back to Catholicism and marry Marguerite de Villeneuve-Trans, the daughter of one of the Catholic League’s most prominent figures. With his renouncement of Protestantism, a fragile peace would once again return to Vence.

After the Siege

After the siege, the city saw shifts in its political and religious alignment. Cannaux returned, and again, Vence was forced to part with a substantial amount of money to pay him off. On his retreat to his home in Savoy, Emmanuel passed through Vence a second time. Realizing that whatever force they sided with would inevitably lead to problems, the Vençois again allowed him to enter their city. Soon, however, the Catholic League in western Provence collapsed, and Emmanuel moved on.

Vence formally declared its support for King Henry IV. Le Blanc was caught in a troublesome position. His support for the Church had meant his opposition to his king, who was now in complete control. There was nothing left to do but apologize and offer explanations and excuses. It would take a few years, but in time, Vence would once again find itself in good standing with the Crown.

On July 25, 1593, Henry IV returned to Catholicism at the Basilica of Saint-Denis near Paris. He is famously remembered for having said, “Paris vaut bien une messe (Paris is worth a Mass).” It was, by all accounts, a pragmatic decision more than anything else. His conversion helped him gain broader support and ultimately led to his formal coronation in 1594, allowing him to enter Paris as its legitimate ruler.

In 1598, he issued the Edict of Nantes, granting limited religious tolerance to Protestants, but tensions remained high. Many Protestants left the region of Provence, fearing retaliation, while Catholic control was reinforced. Guillaume Le Blanc played a key role in reestablishing Catholic dominance, and churches became centers of Catholic revival.

The wars also led to economic hardship. Frequent battles, sieges, and shifting control over the city had left commerce unstable. The city’s infrastructure was damaged, and trade with nearby regions suffered. Many noble families, such as the Villeneuves, lost wealth and influence due to their involvement in the conflict.

Vence, like much of France, eventually found peace under Henry IV’s rule, but the scars of the Wars of Religion remained. The city’s allegiances had shifted multiple times, and deep-rooted divisions between Catholics and Protestants shaped the social fabric for generations.

The siege of 1592 remains a defining moment in the city’s history, symbolizing the religious and political turmoil that gripped France in the late 16th century. To the left of the Porte d’Orient, one of the main entrances to Vence’s old town, a distinctive stone beneath a window sill stands out among the others. Engraved with the date 1592, it remains visible to this day, marking the very spot where Lesdiguières’ cannons are said to have once breached the city’s walls. In fact, for many years, this gate was known as the Portail du Siège.

Some stone cannonballs extracted from the ramparts, most likely from the siege, can be seen today in the La Brissaudo museum.

Access

Vence can easily be reached from just about anywhere in France by taking the A8 until you get to Cagnes-sur-Mer. If you are coming from the east get off on Exit 48 and if you are coming from the west you’ll want Exit 47. Take the M336, then the M36 and finally the M236 north into Vence. The most accessible parking is in the Parking du Grand Jardin, right next to the old town. Parking Toreille and Marie Antoinette Parking are both close by as well.

Two buses run from Nice to Vence: #9 and #655. Just be careful with the #9; it can be a bit confusing because it has two routes leaving from the Gare Routière de Grand Arénas in Nice. One route stops at the Shopping Promenade mall, which is still about 8kms from Vence. Look at the route displayed at the top of the bus at the front. It should say “L’Ara” which is the last bus stop, in Vence. All the #9 buses returning to Nice from Vence go to Grand Arénas.

There is no train service directly to Vence. You can take the train to Cagnes-sur-Mer and then take either the #9 or #655 bus from Cagnes-sur-Mer to Vence.

The Vence Office de Tourisme is located near the center of town just across the street from the Grand Jardin. There’s really not much to see related to the 1592 Siege of Vence, but you can view the ramparts where the attack took place and see the plaque embedded in the wall to commemorate it. I would suggest that you try to come on any day but Sunday or Monday so that you might also enjoy some of the shops and boutiques in Vence that might otherwise be closed.