Sacred Figures of Faith
The Wooden Statues of the Calvaire de Vence

Visitors come from all over the world to see the Cathédrale Notre-Dame-de-la-Nativité (Our Lady of the Nativity Cathedral) in Vence. They come for many different reasons. Some are drawn by faith and the cathedral’s long religious history. Others have heard it described as the smallest cathedral in France and are curious to see it for themselves. Many come in search of Marc Chagall’s celebrated mosaic, Moïse sauvé des eaux (Moses Saved from the Waters), one of the best-known works of art in Vence.

Yet hidden within the cathedral is another extraordinary treasure, one that many visitors know nothing about before they arrive. Almost fifty painted wooden religious statues are preserved here, figures that once occupied a series of small chapels along the Chemin du Calvaire on the west side of town. Together they formed a sacred procession in wood, bringing scenes from the Passion of Christ and other episodes of Christian devotion vividly to life for generations of pilgrims. In his 1994 essay, “The Calvary Chapels In Vence,” noted Vence historian Oswald Baudot explains how these statues and the chapels that once housed them “belong to the religious history of Vence, standing between the ‘mystery plays’ that the people of Vence were still performing for one another in the 16th century, and 1833, the year when the first Stations of the Cross were installed in the church of Vence.”

Although they no longer stand in the chapels for which they were created, the statues still retain all of their visual and emotional power. Their expressive faces, dramatic gestures, vivid colors, and almost life-sized forms give them an immediate and unforgettable presence. Some appear solemn and dignified; others are filled with grief, anguish, tenderness, or devotion. Almost everyone who encounters them comes away impressed by their unusual character and powerful presence.

Collections of this size and character are rare in France. The statues are not merely decorative objects, but survivors of a deeply rooted local tradition of pilgrimage and popular faith. They are among the most unusual and impressive works preserved in the Cathedral of Vence, and they deserve to be recognized as one of its greatest treasures.

The Chapels of the Calvaire de Vence

The Chapels of the Calvaire de Vence stand along the Chemin du Calvaire in the L’Ara district, on a low hill once surrounded by farmland and trees. Although they are commonly known as the Calvaire de Vence (Calvary of Vence), they more properly form a Chemin de croix, or Way of the Cross. This devotional route allowed worshippers to follow the events of Christ’s Passion without making the difficult and expensive pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Canon Honoré Blanc was chiefly responsible for their creation, beginning work in 1720. He conceived the site as a place where the faithful could move from chapel to chapel, pausing at each one for prayer and meditation.

The earliest suriving source concerning the chapels is the Chronicle of Vence, which states: “There was in Vence a holy priest, whom I was told was Messire Honoré Blanc, canon of Vence, who worked, with the assistance of pious individuals, on the construction of the Calvary and who depicted the mysteries of the Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ in life-sized sculptures.” The chronicle, however, provides no further information about these “pious individuals.” Their identities, their number, and the precise nature of their contribution to the project remain unknown.

When the Calvaire de Vence was created in the early eighteenth century, its chapels were not intended to be empty spaces for private prayer. Each one contained a group of almost life-sized painted wooden figures arranged on a raised platform at the rear of the building. Together, the figures transformed the small interiors into three-dimensional scenes from the Passion of Christ. As pilgrims climbed the hill, they moved from one dramatic episode to the next, encountering the story not merely through words or paintings, but through figures that seemed to occupy the same physical space as the viewer.

The original number of chapels remains uncertain. In 1725 Blanc wrote and published a small 62 page spiritual guide titled Prayers for the Benefit of Those Who Wish to Visit the Chapels of Mont Calvaire in the Town of Vence, Where the Sorrowful Mysteries of the Passion of Our Lord Are Represented in Lifelike Form, with Reflections and Considerations on Those Same Mysteries (an expanded second edition was published the following year) for those visiting the chapels.  Blanc’s guide refers to only eight chapels, while his will of 1738 mentions ten.

Abbé Eugène Tisserand (1817–1881) was a priest and historian whose 1860 Histoire de Vence remains one of the principal nineteenth-century accounts of the city’s past. In a work published a few years earlier in 1855, the small book titled Un touriste à Vence (A Tourist In Vence), he described nine small chapels and one large chapel, suggesting that the complex had reached a total of ten. A state inventory recorded only nine in 1906. Today, six chapels remain substantially intact along the road, while the recognizable remains of another survive in a building once converted into a laundry.

The first four surviving chapels are modest rectangular structures of similar design, although they grow slightly larger as the road climbs. Each has a plastered façade, exposed stone side walls, a gabled roof covered with rounded Provençal tiles, and a wooden door with vertical open slats, allowing visitors to look inside. The fifth, or Upper Chapel, is considerably larger and stands near the top of the hill. Weathered fragments of nineteenth-century frescoes remain inside several of these chapels. Across the road is the Grand Chapel, a much more substantial cross-shaped building with two projecting side chapels, a stone-framed entrance, a recess containing a cross, and a sundial on its façade. Old photographs also show a small bell tower that has since disappeared. 

Once the chapels were completed, Blanc had a small priory built beside the Grand Chapel to house two priests responsible for their care. In later years, a succession of hermits lived there, maintained the buildings, welcomed pilgrims, and collected donations. Blanc also created a fund for repairs, while additional money was gathered on Easter and on the two feasts of the Holy Cross. The Grand Chapel became the center of the pilgrimage, particularly on May 3rd and September 14th, when religious services attracted crowds too large to fit inside. The people of Vence also continued to follow the route of the chapels on Good Friday throughout the nineteenth century.

The Calvary of Vence suffered severely during and after the French Revolution. Nine chapels were sold as national property in 1794, and by the beginning of the nineteenth century several were already in poor condition and had been stripped of reusable materials. Abbé Abou recovered three in 1805, and Father Jean-Pierre Chaix purchased the remaining six small chapels in 1833, returning them to the parish. A major restoration followed in 1875, when the stations were repaired and solemnly blessed. Nevertheless, neglect, vandalism, wartime use, and nearby development continued to take their toll. The six surviving chapels were officially listed as Monuments historiques on December 14, 1989. The Grand Chapel underwent extensive renovation beginning in 2018, but the smaller chapels and the ruined priory remain vulnerable reminders of what was once one of Vence’s most important pilgrimage sites.

You can read more about the chapels of the Calvaire de Vence in this in-depth article: A Pilgrimage Through Time and Faith: Discovering the Chapels of the Calvaire de Vence.

The Statues of the Calvary of Vence

The statues which once populated these chapels were conceived not as individual works to be admired separately, but as parts of carefully arranged religious tableaux. Their painted faces, clothing, gestures, and nearly human proportions gave each scene a theatrical and emotional immediacy. For worshippers who could never undertake a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, the chapels offered a symbolic journey through the sacred places and events of the Holy Land. By moving along the Chemin du Calvaire and pausing before each station, visitors could follow the Passion in sequence and meditate upon it as though they were witnessing the events firsthand.

Canon Honoré Blanc’s devotional guide of 1725 describes eight principal scenes. The sequence began with Christ praying in the Garden of Gethsemane, followed by his arrest and appearance before Caiaphas, the Flagellation, and the Crowning with Thorns. The later chapels showed Christ carrying the cross, his Crucifixion, his death upon the cross, and finally his removal from the cross and placement in the tomb. Among the surviving figures are eleven depictions of Christ, five apostles, five holy women, and two representations of the Virgin Mary. The collection also contains the High Priest, Pontius Pilate, the two thieves, angels, soldiers, and other participants in the Passion. The oldest statues appear to date from the eighteenth century, when the Calvaire chapels were first established. Some figures were damaged or lost over the years and were subsequently replaced by later sculptures. We have no way of knowing how the statues were originally painted, as they have been repainted several times over the years.

The completed ensemble is an important example of early eighteenth-century popular religious art. For pilgrims and local villagers, many of whom were unable to read, these sculptures served as a powerful form of visual religious instruction. Like an open-air catechism, they told the story of Christ’s Passion through vivid images rather than written words, making its spiritual message accessible to all who visited the site.

The statues are all made of wood, mostly some type of fruit wood such as pear or cherry. A few are made of walnut, pine, larch, or spruce, and at least one is made of linden. They are quite heavy. Most of the statues have carved backs, but a few have simple, flat backs. Most of them sit on some small base, usually a thick rectangular piece of wood.

There is a lot we don’t know about the Vence Calvary statues. The circumstances surrounding their creation remain largely unknown. Almost no information about them has survived from before the Revolution. It is thought that because the project was apparently organized and financed privately by Canon Honoré Blanc, much of the usual official paperwork may never have existed or may not have been preserved.

Given the breadth of Tisserand’s work, it is surprising how little he has to say about the Calvary of Vence. He barely mentions either the chapels or the statues in his Histoire de Vence, stating only: “It was Monseigneur de Crillon who, in 1700, founded the Calvary in Vence”—a claim we now know to be mistaken. Tisserand also briefly recounts the incident involving the Regiment of Majorca, discussed below: “We then had the Regiment of Majorca, which indulged in all sorts of misconduct. They had taken the statue of the high priest from the Calvary and hung it from a tree.” His reference to the Calvary’s restoration is equally brief. Under the date September 14, 1805, he records: “Abbé Abou restores the Calvary.”

In 1997, the statues from the Calvary of Vence were officially protected as Monuments historiques. The designation recognized the exceptional character of the surviving collection and its importance to the region’s religious heritage. The official assessment described the sculptures as the remains of a work unique in southeastern France and compared the Calvary of Vence with the Sacri Monti of Piedmont, emphasizing both its rarity and its historical significance within the former Diocese of Vence.

Who made these statues? When were they made? How many were there originally? How were they originally grouped? What colors were they originally painted? We have no definitive answers to these questions. Even so, a small number of surviving sources provide valuable clues about the statues and their original arrangements.

Who Made the Statues?

The statues from the Calvary of Vence form an unusually varied collection. Unfortunately, neither the cathedral archives nor the municipal records appear to contain contracts, accounts, or other documents identifying the artists and artisans responsible for the statues. They were clearly not produced by a single sculptor or even in a single workshop. Differences in style, proportion, carving, and finish suggest that numerous artists and artisans contributed to the figures over time. Of the entire group, only one statue, a representation of Christ with his hands tied by a rope, bears a signature (Joseph Dalons). Most of the remaining figures do not appear to have been made by formally trained or highly accomplished sculptors. Their direct, irregular, and sometimes awkward character has led previous writers to describe them as “rustic,” “crude,” or strongly exaggerated in form.

Following the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church placed renewed emphasis on religious art as a means of teaching the faith, encouraging prayer, and engaging worshippers’ emotions. As part of the Catholic Counter-Reformation, artists were encouraged to create works that were clear, emotionally compelling, and easy for ordinary people to understand. This gave rise to the Baroque style, which is characterized by dramatic movement, lifelike figures, rich detail, strong contrasts of light and shadow, and expressive gestures designed to draw viewers into the scene and inspire a personal emotional response.

The sculptors who created the Calvary of Vence figures were clearly influenced by the Baroque art they encountered in local churches, particularly in the expressive depictions of figures such as Mary Magdalene and Saint John. Although they appear to have had little formal artistic training and worked with limited technical resources, they successfully conveyed the grief, suffering, and emotional intensity of Christ’s Passion through dynamic poses and expressive faces.

In 1716, Bishop Ennemond-Flodoard Moret de Bourchenu (bishop of Vence from 1714 to 1728) conducted a pastoral visit to Vence and left behind an official written report known as a “procès-verbal.” This formal inspection was documented by a day-by-day account of what he examined, what he was told, what problems he discovered, and what he believed needed to be corrected. In his description of the nearby Chapel of Sainte-Anne, then known as Notre-Dame de Larrat, Bourchenu mentions two hermits who were responsible for its upkeep. One of them had also made the wooden altarpiece for the chapel’s principal altar. Given the small size of the local religious community, it seems likely that one or both men knew Canon Honoré Blanc. It is therefore tempting to wonder whether they may have been among the unnamed “pious individuals” mentioned in the Chronicle of Vence as having assisted him with the creation of the Calvaire.

In 2024, Jacques Chave published a detailed study of the chapels and statues, Le Calvaire de Vence, with photos by Michel Graniou. In it, he wrote that it is “not out of the question to attribute some of our statues, or at least their inspiration, to the hermit. In any case, he certainly did not create all of them, and given their naïve, folk-like appearance and rustic craftsmanship, it seems unlikely that they came from a workshop specializing in statue production. We can thus assume that the creation of the sculptures (apart from those made by the hermit) was likely carried out by local carpenters or woodworkers from Vence.”

When Were the Statues Made?

We have no concrete evidence as to the exact age of any of the statues. In his 1976 book Fragments d’Une Passion Selon le Calvaire de Vence (Fragments Of A Passion According To The Calvary Of Vence), François Cali says, “They cannot be dated with certainty, since the persistence of styles for one, two, or even three centuries is characteristic of this form of popular art, which developed outside the tradition of fine art. Its origins lie in the emotionally expressive art—pathos meaning suffering—of the Gothic-Baroque or rustic-Baroque sculpture produced by the schools of Burgundy and Flanders in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Germany and Austria in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and finally Spain in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.” Nevertheless, Cali does assign a century to each statue in the collection.

With respect to their age, Chave groups the statues into four distinct categories:

1. At least one statue, #29, known as “Christ en croix” (Christ on the Cross) from the 9th station, is thought to predate the creation of the chapels. It clearly stands apart from the other figures in the Calvary ensemble, both in its proportions and in its apparent artistic origin. Jesus is represented with an unusually small head and an elongated body, with arms that seem disproportionately long. Cali and Chave offer slightly different assessments of the work. Cali assigns it to the seventeenth or eighteenth century and identifies the wood as cherry. Chave considers it 17th century or possibly earlier and describes the material more cautiously as “perhaps” cherry. Chave also attributes the statue to a Catalan tradition, which would account for its distinctive form. In support of this interpretation, he compares it to a “nearly identical” figure of Christ at the Abbey of La Celle, dated to the fourteenth century. He further notes that Raphaël Monso, bishop of Vence between 1462 and 1491, came from Barcelona, raising the possibility that the statue may actually have arrived in Vence during the fifteenth century. There is no surviving evidence, however, explaining when, why, or under what circumstances it was incorporated into the Calvary ensemble.

2. Most of the statues were created sometime around 1720 as part of Canon Blanc’s project and appear to have been produced locally. Differences in style, technique, and distinctive details suggest that they were the work of several artists.

3. A few statues, six or seven according to Chave, were created in the 19th century by a local woodworker named Joseph Dalons. His signature appears on one of these statues, #5, the “Christ aux liens” (Christ in Bonds). Chave theorizes these statues were created to replace those that were burned, damaged, or otherwise destroyed during the Revolution. He attributes these statues to Dalons based on some common characteristics, including: stiff poses and rigidly arranged drapery; hair and beards rendered in fine incised grooves; faces showing little expression; clothing that reflects nineteenth-century styles and features the same type of belt, with folds of the garments descending heavily over the feet. Additionally, each of these figures stands on a base carved as an integral continuation of the sculpture. According to Henri Giraud, these statues were created in 1805 and celebrated with a ceremony and blessing on September 14 of that year. Giraud, a former mayor of Vence, published a book in 1929 called Les Brûle Bon Dieu (The God Burners), in which he portrays the legendary history of Vence (Provence) through a blend of folklore and fiction. However, some verified historical facts can be found within it.

4. The final statue, which does not fit into any of these categories, is the rooster. In March 1980, the main chapel was broken into through a window and the statue depicting the “Rooster of Denial” was stolen. This polychrome wooden piece, the only one in the collection not depicting a person, dates back to the 1600s. It most likely resides in the hands of a private collector today. Wildlife artist Martial Bos donated a replacement in 2017.

We should also mention statue #20, “Christ cloué sur la criox” (Christ Nailed to the Cross). It is actually not considered one of the original, or even later-day, Calvary statues. Cali does not include this statue in his inventory at all. Chave does not address this issue and does include it in his inventory. It could have been made fairly recently to replace an original that was destroyed or lost.

The dates that both Cali and Chave assign to the statues remain largely conjectural. Both construct their chronologies primarily from visual and material evidence: the style of the carving, the proportions and treatment of the figures, the type of wood employed, and comparisons with other surviving works. These groupings provide a useful framework for understanding the ensemble, but they should not be regarded as firmly established dates. They are scholarly attributions based on appearance, craftsmanship, and historical context rather than on concrete documentary or scientific evidence.

That said, these findings are difficult to reconcile with Tisserand’s account of the Calvaire in 1855. In Un Touriste à Vence, Tisserand wrote that “the old statues have been replaced by figures more horrible than the others. The Revolution destroyed everything, and it wasn’t until 1833 that it was repaired.” In his discussion of the Chapelle Sainte-Anne, however, he described a painted wooden statue of a centurion preserved in a small adjoining space. Although the figure had been cut off below the knees, Tisserand believed it came from the former Calvaire and was probably the only statue to have survived what he called the auto-da-fé (a public burning of symbols of the Old Regime) of 1793. Elsewhere, however, he acknowledged that some of the older sculptures could still be seen.

Tisserand’s statements are clearly inconsistent. His assertion that everything was destroyed during the Revolution cannot easily be reconciled with the survival of nearly forty statues which most scholars now date to the eighteenth century. It seems more likely that the Calvary suffered serious damage and that some figures were destroyed, dispersed, or replaced, rather than the entire collection being lost. Unless further evidence comes to light, we must conclude that Tisserand either exaggerated the extent of the destruction or was mistaken about the age of the statues he saw.

How Many Statues Were There Originally?

The only real source that contains the number of statues is the 1906 inventory. Baudot notes, “This inventory is particularly interesting insofar as, for each of the nine chapels, it indicates which Station of the Cross it illustrates and how many statues it contains. I count a total of 50, which suggests that we still possess all of them, or nearly all of them.” Chave basically concurs, saying the inventory “… lists nine chapels and fifty-three statues. The flagellation scene is mistakenly counted three times, resulting in three extra statues. This brings the total number of statues to fifty. We currently have forty-nine statues, meaning one has been lost.”

However, we must also take statue #20 into account. Chave includes it in his list of 49 statues, while Cali does not. Cali counts only 48. It seems that one, or possibly two, statues have been lost since the 1906 inventory. The original number, however, will probably never be known. It is impossible to determine how many figures disappeared or were destroyed during the French Revolution, later wars, and the long periods of neglect and indifference that marked much of the Calvaire’s three-hundred-year history.

The Way of the Cross and the Statues

One of the biggest mysteries concerning these statues is how exactly they relate to the traditional Way of the Cross. Historically, the Way of the Cross is usually represented by fourteen stations. Yet, we know there were never fourteen chapels in the Calvary of Vence. There were, at most, ten. It’s more likely there were either eight or nine.

The Vence historian Daniel Petite proposed that the fourteen traditional Stations of the Cross were originally arranged two at a time within seven of the smaller chapels. In Vence – Parcourue Pour Vous, he suggested that the two remaining chapels were devoted to Christ’s arrest in the Garden of Gethsemane and to the Resurrection. This reconstruction, however, does not correspond with the sequence of scenes described by Canon Blanc in the devotional guide he prepared for visitors to the Calvaire. Though Blanc does not provide the number of statues in each chapel or detailed descriptions, he does give us the basic scenes:

First Chapel: Jesus in the Garden of Olives (Gethsemane)
Second Chapel (now destroyed): Jesus is bound and led before Caiaphas
Third Chapel (now destroyed): Jesus is tied to a column where he is flagellated
Fourth Chapel (now partially destroyed): Jesus is crowned with thorns
Fifth Chapel: Jesus carries his cross to Calvary
Sixth Chapel: Jesus is crucified
Seventh Chapel: Jesus dies on the cross
Eighth Chapel: Jesus is taken down from the cross and placed in his tomb

Today, the surviving statues are displayed on the upper level of Vence Cathedral, arranged in small groups corresponding to the episodes of Christ’s Passion they represent. Each group is accompanied by a sign identifying the relevant Station of the Cross and a biblical verse that describes or evokes the scene. Although the statues are no longer presented in their original chapels at the Calvary, this arrangement allows visitors to follow the sequence of the Passion and to understand more clearly the role the figures once played in the devotional life of Vence. However, adding to the confusion and ambiguity, the nine scenes displayed in the cathedral do not correspond to the fourteen scenes of the traditional Stations of the Cross or to Blanc’s eight scenes.

Cali was the first modern writer to inventory and catalog the statues. In his book, Pour la restauration du Calvaire de Vence, he assigned names to each one, noted the wood they were made from, measured the heights, and placed each one in a particular century. Cali also assigned stations to some, but not all, of the statues.

In his book Le Calvaire de Vence, Chave presents the statues in the context of twelve stations. Again, it is important to note that these stations do not correspond to the usual fourteen stations considered part of the traditional Catholic Way of the Cross. Nor do they match the stations outlined in the cathedral or Blanc’s guide. So, we’re left with four different lists of scenes. Here’s a breakdown of the differences:

Once the statues were removed from their original chapels and separated from the other figures, it was not always clear which scene each one belonged to. We can, of course, make educated guesses about how they may originally have been grouped and which station they represented. In some cases, the choice is obvious, but in others it is much harder to understand or justify. Chave does not explain why he placed each statue in a particular scene, and he also does not explain why his twelve scenes differ from the traditional fourteen Stations of the Cross.

The stations listed below correspond to the ones assigned by Chave. There are a few minor discrepancies between Cali’s and Chave’s inventories, which I have noted in the descriptions. They sometimes disagree about the type of wood used for the statue, the century to which it belongs, or, in some cases, the actual identity of the person being depicted.

Station I: Jesus Is Arrested at the Garden of Olives: 2 Statues

Statue #1 portrays Jesus kneeling in prayer, his head tilted upward and his eyes raised toward heaven. His parted lips and deeply carved features convey anguish, exhaustion, and supplication as he awaits his arrest. One hand is lifted with the palm facing outward, while the other forearm is missing, leaving the figure visibly damaged. Jesus wears a long blue-green robe gathered at the waist by a reddish sash, with a heavy red cloak falling from his shoulder and pooling beside him. Deep, sharply cut folds give the garments a strong sense of weight and movement. The remaining paint is worn and uneven. The statue sits on a thick rectangular base.

Statue #2 depicts a youthful, winged figure standing upon a stylized bank of clouds. The angel faces forward with a calm, composed expression, providing a deliberate contrast to the anguish shown in the accompanying figure of Christ. Long brown hair falls to the shoulders, while the large, dark wings are carved with overlapping rows of feathers. The angel wears a long, pale robe with deeply incised vertical folds. A golden sash is tied around the waist, with two decorative, leaf-like motifs, and a high opening in the robe exposes the right leg. Both arms extend forward in a gesture that may originally have involved holding an object or reaching toward Christ, although the hands are now damaged and partly missing. Chave says the dating on this one is uncertain, but that it could be from the 18th century, while Cali places it at the beginning of the 19th century.

Station II: Jesus Is Condemned by the High Priests: 3 Statues

Statue #3 is of the high priest Caiaphas, the Jewish high priest who presided over the religious trial of Jesus before his crucifixion. He wears a tall, gold-colored headdress, a long blue-green robe trimmed with decorative bands, and a reddish cloak over his shoulders. Across his chest is a rectangular breastplate (Hochen) set with twelve precious stones, each representing one of the twelve tribes of Israel. A heavy corded belt, tied at the waist with hanging tassels, further emphasizes the richness of his costume. His left hand is raised in a commanding or declarative gesture, while his right arm extends downward with the palm open, as though he is questioning Jesus, addressing the council, or announcing its judgment. His wide eyes, parted lips, dark beard, and rigid frontal posture give the figure an imposing and theatrical presence. The surviving paint is faded and uneven, and cracks are visible in the lower garments, but much of the statue’s intricate carved decoration remains clearly legible. The statue sits on a very thin, mostly rectangular base.

Chave identifies statue #4 as another high priest, while Cali identifies it as Pontius Pilate presenting Christ to the people. (Chave tentatively identifies statue #13 as Pilate.) He stands rigidly upright, facing forward with a stern, unsmiling expression. His large eyes, sharply carved features, dark hair, and pointed grey beard give the figure an imposing and authoritative presence. He wears an elaborate blue-and-red headdress, along with a broad ornamental collar that emphasizes his ceremonial rank. His clothing consists of a red upper garment with deeply carved vertical folds, a long blue robe, and a wide blue sash tied around the waist with two large gold-colored tassels. His right arm extends outward with the palm turned upward, as though questioning Jesus, addressing the assembly, or demanding a response. The left forearm and hand are missing. Although the surviving paint is worn in places, the statue retains strong colors and crisp decorative carving, giving it a formal and theatrical character. Like the previous statue, it sits on a very thin base.

Statue #5 portrays Jesus standing upright with his hands crossed and tightly bound before him. His head is slightly lowered and turned to one side, while his solemn expression and distant gaze suggest resignation and quiet endurance rather than resistance. His long hair falls over his shoulders, framing a narrow face with a carefully carved mustache and divided beard. Jesus wears a long brown robe, gathered at the waist by a muted red sash. The deeply carved folds of the sleeves and lower garment give the otherwise static figure a restrained sense of movement. The rope around his wrists is rendered with particular care and forms the principal focus of the composition, emphasizing his captivity and helplessness. The surviving paint is subdued and heavily worn, reinforcing the statue’s austere and sorrowful character. It includes a thick, rectangular base and is the only one actually signed by Joseph Dalons.

Station III: The Remorse of Saint Peter: 2 Statues

Statue #6 is a modern replacement for the original rooster statue, donated in 2017 by wildlife artist Martial Bos. The original was stolen in 1980. The statue depicts the bird in profile, standing alert with its head raised, beak open, and long tail feathers curving dramatically upward. Its red comb and wattles, pale breast, dark blue-purple plumage, and warm brown wings create a vivid and immediately recognizable image. The feathers are rendered through bold incised lines and overlapping geometric patterns rather than naturalistic detail. The exaggerated tail, compact body, and upright posture give the figure a lively, almost heraldic appearance. It is supported on a narrow metal fitting above a simple carved post and stepped wooden base, which bears the artist’s name and the date, 2017. Within the Passion narrative, the rooster recalls Christ’s prediction that “Before the rooster crows, you will deny me three times.” (Luke 23:61)

According to Chave, statue #7 represents Saint Peter as he realizes that Christ’s prediction about him has come true. His head is raised and turned to one side, his wide eyes and furrowed features conveying shock, sorrow, and repentance. His hands are tightly clasped before his chest in a gesture of prayer and distress, while his parted lips suggest that he may be pleading for forgiveness. Peter wears a golden-brown tunic beneath a deep red cloak that falls in broad, angular folds across his body. One knee is bent, and a bare foot extends forward onto the base, giving the figure a slightly unstable posture that reinforces his emotional agitation. His curled hair, full beard, and strongly carved facial features lend the statue a direct, theatrical expressiveness. Cali acknowledges that the tradition in Vence is to assign this statue to Saint Peter, but he also says it could be Nicodemus at the foot of Calvary. After Jesus’s death, Nicodemus joined Joseph of Arimathea and brought myrrh and aloes for the burial. Together they wrapped Jesus’s body with spices and burial cloths. In Christian art, Nicodemus is therefore frequently represented standing near the foot of the cross, helping to lower Christ’s body, holding a ladder or otherwise assisting at the Entombment. The statue features a thick rectangular base. We should note the similarities between this statue and the centurion statue featured in station nine (statue #25). Both have the same tuft of hair on the head and the same beard. The same artist likely created them.

Station IV: Jesus is Whipped: 3 Statues

Statue #8 portrays Jesus standing nearly naked, clothed only in a blue drapery wrapped around his waist and tied at one side. His head tilts slightly backward, his eyes are half closed, and his lips are parted, giving his face an expression of exhaustion, pain, and resignation. The sharply carved ribs and sunken abdomen emphasize the physical suffering he has already endured. The statue is heavily damaged. One forearm is missing, while the other arm has been lost almost entirely from the shoulder, making it difficult to determine the figure’s original gesture. Christ’s legs remain straight and rigid, with his bare feet placed firmly on the ground. Cali calls this statue Man of Sorrow, or Christ awaiting his execution, clothed in the Virgin’s veil. He places it in the 10th station. There is no base.

Statues #9 and #10 represent Roman soldiers. The first soldier is shown standing upright in a rigid, frontal pose. He wears a dark helmet with a short crest, a black cuirass (a piece of armor that protects the torso) over a green tunic, a broad pale belt, and a red military skirt falling to his knees. Dark boots complete the costume. His full beard, wide eyes, and upward-turned gaze give him a watchful and imposing appearance. Both arms extend slightly away from the body. His right hand is clenched, as though it may once have grasped a weapon or another object, while the fingers of his left hand are damaged and incomplete. The simplified military costume and strong blocks of red, green, and black identify him immediately as one of the guards involved in Christ’s trial and condemnation.

Cali specifically identifies the second soldier as Longin the centurion (Longinus the centurion). This can be a bit confusing. Cali distinguishes between two separate figures at the Crucifixion. Longin le centurion is the Roman officer who, after witnessing Jesus’ death, declared that he was truly the Son of God. Longis le soldat (identified by Cali as statue #28) is the ordinary soldier traditionally identified as the man who pierced Christ’s side with a lance. The Gospels do not give either man a name, nor do they clearly state whether the centurion and the lance-bearer were the same person. Later Christian tradition often combined them into a single figure called Longinus, but some medieval accounts and Passion plays treated them as two different men.

Chave identifies Longinus as statue #28 and contends that statue #10 is one of the soldiers responsible for whipping Jesus. This second soldier is shown in a vigorous, commanding pose, with both arms extended and his head turned slightly upward. He wears a crested helmet, a richly decorated cuirass, a short red military tunic, and dark protective coverings over his legs. A broad yellow sash crosses his chest, while layered ornamental panels and tassels hang from his waist. His wide eyes, sharply defined features, and tense posture give the figure a forceful presence. In his raised right hand, the soldier holds a small scourge or whip. His left hand is partly closed, perhaps indicating that it originally held another object, although none survives. The strong colors and elaborate carving make this one of the more animated military figures in the ensemble.

Of the two identifications, Chave’s interpretation seems more convincing. While both this statue and #28 feature Roman soldiers who are clearly holding something, this one, with its wide stance and raised arm, seems more appropriate for a whip. Each stands on a thick, solid base. Cali places this second soldier in station twelve.

Station V: Ecce Homo (Behold, the man!): 4 Statues

What Chave calls station five is when Jesus is brought before the crowd by Pontius Pilate. Pilate exclaims, “Ecce Homo!” meaning, “Behold, the man!” This is not a separate station among the traditional fourteen. Chronologically, it falls within the events depicted in the first station, where Jesus is condemned to death. Chave groups four statues into this station.

Statue # 11 is a Roman soldier standing upright in a rigid, frontal pose, his head raised, and his eyes directed slightly upward. He wears a simple crested helmet, a reddish-brown cuirass edged with gold-colored scalloped trim, close-fitting green trousers, and heavy green boots. His dark beard, parted lips, and wide eyes give the figure an alert, somewhat apprehensive expression. The right arm is entirely missing from the shoulder, while the surviving left arm hangs loosely at the soldier’s side, its hand partly damaged. Unlike the more elaborately dressed military figures in the ensemble, this soldier’s costume and posture are notably restrained and simplified. He stands on a small, thick rectangular base.

Statue #12 represents Jesus. He stands upright but leans noticeably to his right, his hands bound before him with a heavy rope and a crown of thorns upon his head. His head droops, his expression is vacant, and his open eyes are directed toward the ground. Christ is stripped to the waist, revealing a gaunt torso with sharply carved ribs and small painted wounds across his chest, arms, and legs. A blue cloth is wrapped around his hips, and a heavy dark-red cloak falls from his shoulders in broad folds. The figure has a small but obvious anatomical flaw: the forearms below the binding do not align properly with the upper arms. The dark-red cloth draped across his back was carved from a separate wooden plank and later attached to the main figure. Chave suggests that the statue may have been made by the same sculptor responsible for two of the high priests in station two. Cali assigns it to the first station. The statue stands on a small but irregularly shaped base.

The Roman official portrayed in statue #13 stands with his head raised and his surviving hand extended before him, the palm turned upward in a gesture of command, questioning, or judgment. He wears a short red tunic beneath a dark cuirass, together with a pleated military skirt and high boots decorated with carved bands. His close-fitting cap or helmet, trimmed beard, and upright posture give him an authoritative appearance. The statue has suffered substantial damage. The right arm is missing from the shoulder, while the fingers of the surviving left hand are partly broken. Cracks and losses are also visible around the lower tunic, legs, and base. The surviving paint is faded and uneven, but the red, grey, and brown tones still clearly define the figure’s military costume.

Chave identifies the figure as Pontius Pilate, while Cali describes him more generally as a soldier (Cali identifies statue #4 as Pilate). From the statue alone, Cali’s cautious identification is easier to defend. The clothing is unmistakably Roman and military, but the figure possesses no surviving attribute that clearly identifies him as Pilate. Pilate is often distinguished by his position as judge or by the scene in which he washes his hands, neither of which is represented unambiguously here. Nevertheless, Chave’s interpretation is plausible. The figure’s elevated head, formal stance, ornate armor, and open-handed gesture distinguish him from the more active soldiers elsewhere in the ensemble. It’s probably best to describe him as a Roman official, possibly Pontius Pilate, while noting that Cali identified him simply as a soldier. He stands on a small, thick rectangular base.

One more Roman soldier, statue #14, stands rigidly upright in a frontal pose, his head turned slightly to one side and his eyes directed outward. He wears a rounded helmet, a fitted cuirass with a small diamond-shaped ornament at the chest, a short pleated military skirt, and dark boots. His carefully carved mustache and beard, together with his alert expression, give the figure a stern and watchful appearance. The right arm is missing entirely from the shoulder. In contrast, the surviving left arm hangs close to the body with the hand clenched, most likely originally intended to hold a weapon or another attribute. The costume is simpler and less ornate than that of several other soldiers in the ensemble. Cali specifically notes that, in the Vence tradition, this soldier is one of those responsible for Jesus’s flagellation. Chave assigns other statues to this event (#10 and #15). He stands on a very small, irregularly shaped base.

Station VI: Christ is Mocked: 2 Statues

Statue #15 is one of the soldiers Chave assigns to the flagellation. He is standing upright in a rigid, frontal pose. He wears a close-fitting helmet, a dark green tunic, and a fitted cuirass decorated with vertical ribs and metallic details, together with a short reddish-brown garment gathered around his waist. His bare legs and carved feet give the figure a direct, almost rustic appearance. The soldier’s right arm is raised, with the hand apparently once holding an object that is now missing, most likely a whip. His left arm extends downward with the hand tightly clenched. It also appears to have originally held an object. His wide eyes, arched brows, dark beard, and slightly open mouth create an alert, almost startled expression. He stands on a small, broken base.

Statue #16 represents Jesus seated after being mocked and dressed in purple by the Roman soldiers. A faded reddish-purple cloak hangs loosely from his shoulders and falls across his lap, leaving his chest, arms, legs, and feet exposed. A green crown of thorns rests upon his long hair, while his bearded face is turned slightly upward, with wide-open eyes and a parted mouth. His blank stare conveys suffering, bewilderment, and quiet resignation. His forearms cross awkwardly before his body, the elongated hands resting one above the other, while his long bare legs extend forward from the chair. The figure’s stiff pose, simplified anatomy, worn paint, cracks, and roughened surface contribute to the statue’s direct and deeply expressive character. The statue itself does not contain any chair; this is a modern addition. Both Cali and Chave agree he once held a reed in his hand. Chave describes it as “a scepter.” The reed is part of the soldiers’ cruel parody of Jesus as “King of the Jews.” According to Matthew, the soldiers placed a crown of thorns on his head, put a reed in his right hand, draped him in a military cloak, and knelt before him in false homage. They then took the reed from him and struck him on the head with it. This statue has no base.

Station VII: The Climb to Golgotha: 3 Statues

Both Cali and Chave identify statue #17 as a man forced by the Roman soldiers to help carry Jesus’ cross on the way to Golgotha. Chave identifies the figure as Simon of Cyrene, the man named in the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke as compelled to carry Christ’s cross. Cali, however, suggests that the figure may represent either Simon or simply an anonymous soldier. The statue depicts a bearded man standing in a lively, twisting pose. His body turns sharply to the right, with one arm extended backward and the other raised before his face, indicating that he was once holding something with both hands. He wears a short, dark skirt-like garment edged with lighter decoration, together with a reddish sash wrapped around his waist and drawn diagonally across his bare chest. His bent knees, uneven stance, and strongly angled arms give the figure a sense of movement and physical exertion. Cali assigns this statue to station five. It stands on a thick rectangular base.

Both Cali and Chave identify statue #18 as Saint Veronica. She stands upright in a long, dark blue gown carved with deep vertical folds. A broad decorative band encircles her waist, gathered around a central oval ornament, while her long hair falls in waves over her shoulders. Both arms are raised, with the open palms turned outward in a gesture that may express grief, prayer, astonishment, or appeal. Her head tilts slightly upward, and her wide eyes and parted lips give her face an attentive, emotionally charged expression. The figure’s narrow, elongated proportions, symmetrical pose, simplified features, and restrained movement distinguish it from the more animated statues in the ensemble. The worn and uneven paint surface reveals its age and history of restoration. According to later Christian tradition (she is not mentioned in the Gospels), Veronica stepped out from the crowd as Jesus carried the cross to Calvary and wiped the blood and sweat from his face with a cloth. His image was then said to have been miraculously imprinted on the fabric. Chave believes the statue’s raised arms and open hands show that she was originally holding this cloth. Cali is less certain. Although he notes that Vence tradition identifies the figure as Veronica, he allows that it may instead represent another, unidentified “holy woman.” He places the statue in station six. It stands on a very small, thick, almost square base.

Chave says that statue #19 of Jesus “is the most important.” Jesus is clearly carrying the cross at this point (though the original cross is missing). He wears a long, dark blue robe gathered at the waist by a cord, with a reddish cloak wrapped around his body and falling in broad folds toward the ground. The crown of thorns rests upon his long hair, and his bearded face, with its wide eyes and slightly open mouth, conveys apprehension and suffering. His body bends and twists forward, with one knee flexed under the weight. His mouth is open and turned downwards, his teeth showing. His eyes are only half open, and his face is full of fatigue and exhaustion. One arm is raised beside his head while the other reaches downward across the front of his body, clearly indicating that he was holding the cross. The strongly carved folds, elongated hands, angular posture, and vivid facial expression give the figure a dramatic sense of movement despite the statue’s simplified style. Chave notes that this statue was restored at some point in the not-too-distant past and calls the restoration “disastrous.” In his book, he presents a large color photo of Jesus’ face from this statue, taken in 1993, to show the contrast. Cali assigns this statue to station five. It stands on a thin rectangular base.

Station VIII: The Crucifixion: 4 Statues

The crucifixion scene features four statues: Jesus and three men charged with nailing him to the cross. Statue #20, that of Jesus, was not originally part of the Calvary statues. Cali does not include it in his inventory. Chave speculates that it was probably once “nailed to a vertical cross, with his feet resting on a missing console.” He notes that “one of his arms has been poorly restored, so that the hands cannot lie flat.”

Chave refers to statues #21, #22, and #23 as “servants” or “assistants” of the crucifixion. Their title makes it clear that these men are simply lower-level helpers. Cali agrees for the first, but says the second and third are soldiers. None of these statues have bases. Cali assigns the final three of these statues to station eleven.

Statue #21 depicts a man kneeling and preparing to drive a nail into the body of Jesus during the Crucifixion. He wears a bright yellow tunic gathered at the waist with a red sash, dark knee-length breeches, and a broad black hat. His right arm is raised high, gripping a large wooden mallet, while his left hand reaches downward toward the nail or the limb positioned before him. The deeply bent legs, forward-leaning torso, and sharply extended arms give the figure a strong sense of physical effort and imminent action. His lowered gaze and concentrated expression are directed toward his task rather than toward the surrounding scene. Older photos of this statue show the left arm missing, but it appears to have been reattached recently.

The next statue, #22, depicts another executioner engaged in fastening Jesus to the cross. He leans forward over Christ’s wounded feet, his head lowered and his attention fixed upon the task before him. One arm stretches outward while gripping a large wooden mallet, while the other holds a large nail. The figure wears an elaborate helmet and a short dark blue military-style tunic decorated with red and yellow bands, together with red breeches and protective coverings around the lower legs. His widely spread arms, bent knees, and uneven stance create a strong impression of movement, effort, and violence. The brightly painted costume contrasts sharply with the grim action being performed.

Statue 23 is heavily damaged. It depicts a kneeling soldier or executioner bent forward in the process of driving a nail into Jesus. He wears a short military-style tunic or cuirass with a dark pleated skirt, striped sleeves, and a reddish sash wrapped around his waist and across his chest. His left arm reaches downward with the hand clenched, probably holding a nail at one time. The figure has lost its head and right arm.

Station IX: The Death of Jesus: 8 Statues

Chave’s station nine, the death of Jesus, is populated with the most statues, eight in total. We begin with statue #24, which both Cali and Chave identify as the man holding out the sponge soaked in vinegar at the crucifixion, though Cali is less certain, using the word “perhaps.” Cali identifies him by name as Stéphaton (Stephaton). He wears a dark green, short-sleeved tunic fastened down the front, loose brown breeches, a broad reddish sash wrapped around his waist, and a tall black hat. His wide eyes, sharply arched brows, and prominent curled mustache give his face a striking expression. One hand rests near his waist while the other is lowered beside his body, both apparently carved to hold or support an object. The long rod tipped with a sponge is a modern addition and should not be taken as evidence of the statue’s original identity or function; it is not known what the figure originally carried. The statue rests on a thick base, and Chave says Dalons clearly carved it.

Statue #25 is a puzzler. A bearded man, probably a soldier or centurion, stands in an animated pose with his head turned upward and both arms extended before him. His open hands, now damaged and incomplete, suggest a gesture of appeal, astonishment, or protest. He wears a short military-style tunic with a blue pleated skirt and a reddish cloak drawn diagonally across his chest and wrapped around his body in broad, angular folds. One knee is bent while the other leg bears his weight, giving the figure a lively, unbalanced stance. His deeply carved beard, prominent nose, raised gaze, and strongly modeled features create an intense expression. The statue has suffered considerable damage: several fingers are missing, and the painted surface is worn and cracked. There is no base, and a small support is required for this statue to stand upright.

Cali identifies this statue as Joseph d’Arimathie, the man who obtained permission from Pontius Pilate to remove Jesus’ body from the cross and arrange for its burial. He specifically writes, “Joseph d’Arimathie receiving the body of Christ.” Chave refers to him as a “repentant centurion,” identifying him as the unnamed Roman centurion who supervised the crucifixion and, after witnessing Jesus’s death, recognized that something extraordinary had happened. In Mark, the centurion standing opposite Jesus declares: “Truly this man was the Son of God!” Chave instead points to statue #36 in the Descent From the Cross station (ten) as Joseph d’Arimathie. Chave earlier pointed out the similarities in the look of this statue and that of Saint Peter (statue #7) in station three.

Statue #26 is identified by both Cali and Chave as the “Virgin of Solitude at the foot of Calvary,” representing the Virgin Mary left alone in grief after Christ’s body had been removed from the Cross and taken for burial. Since the Vence statues were removed from their original chapels and separated from the other figures, however, this identification may be based largely on tradition or on the statue’s original position within a lost tableau. A veiled woman stands upright in a solemn, restrained pose. She wears a long dark blue gown carved with deep vertical folds, a lighter blue mantle crossed over her chest, and a broad white sash wrapped around her waist. A pale veil frames her face and falls over her shoulders. Her head is tilted slightly upward, and her half-closed eyes and parted lips give her an expression of grief, prayer, and quiet resignation. Unlike the more animated figures in the Calvary ensemble, her arms hang at her sides with only a slight bend at the elbows, emphasizing stillness and emotional restraint. The veil, dark clothing, and sorrowful expression are consistent with an image of the grieving Virgin, but there is no distinctive feature that conclusively identifies the figure as Mary. Both Cali and Chave place her in the 19th century. Chave says only that she is made of fruit wood, while Cali specifically says cherry and notes that her arms are made of walnut. The statue rests on a very small, thick square base.

Cali and Chave also differ on the identification of statue #27. It appears to depict a mourning woman, probably one of the holy women present at the Crucifixion. She stands upright in a long dark blue gown carved with deep vertical folds, while a pale mantle is draped over her shoulders and falls down her back. Her long hair frames a narrow, solemn face, and her head is inclined slightly downward. Both hands are clasped together at her waist in a restrained gesture of grief, prayer, or contemplation. The figure’s stillness and inward expression contrast with the more animated soldiers and executioners in the ensemble. Chave says this is Saint John, standing at the foot of the cross and seeming to present Jesus to the pilgrims. Cali, on the other hand, says this is a holy woman at the entombment. The statue does indeed appear much more feminine than masculine. It rests on an irregular, somewhat circular base.

This heavily damaged statue #28 depicts a soldier in an animated, forceful pose. He wears an elaborately decorated cuirass with geometric patterns, a broad diagonal strap across his chest, a short yellow skirt, and dark protective coverings on his legs. One arm is raised high with the hand partly closed, while the other extends downward; both gestures suggest that the figure may originally have held a spear. His body twists and steps forward, giving the statue a strong sense of movement and participation in the Crucifixion. The figure has lost its head, and portions of the hands and painted surface are damaged, making its precise identity and original function difficult to determine with certainty. However, both Cali and Chave agree that this statue represents the soldier traditionally identified as Longinus, though Cali calls him Longis le soldat and Chave calls him Longin le soldat. This is the Roman soldier who is known for having pierced the side of Jesus with a spear after he died. His outstretched arms and hands, clearly formed to hold something, indicate he was once holding a long spear pointed upwards. Cali places this statue in station twelve. One foot rests on a thick square base.

The portrayal of Jesus on statue #29, crucified on a dark wooden cross beneath the inscription INRI, is noticeably different from the other statues in this collection. His slender body hangs, arms outstretched along the crossbeam and feet crossed and fastened together. His head falls forward and to one side beneath the crown of thorns, while his closed or lowered eyes and relaxed features suggest that death has already occurred. The ribs and abdomen are sharply defined, emphasizing his physical suffering and emaciation, and painted blood flows from the wounds in his hands, feet, knees, side, and forehead. A short blue-grey perizonium (a cloth or garment wrapped around the waist or hips) is knotted around his waist and falls in angular folds over his hips. His head is quite small, and his body and arms are unrealistically elongated. Here Cali and Chave differ a bit. Cali dates the statue to the 17th or 18th century and says it is made of cherry. Chave says it dates to the 17th century or earlier and that it “may” be cherry. Chave goes further, stating that it is of Catalan origin, which explains its distinct design and appearance. He notes that a “nearly identical” Christ can be found in the Abbey of La Celle, which dates to the 14th century. He also points out that Raphaël Monso, bishop of Vence from 1462 to 1491, was originally from Barcelona, suggesting that this statue could date to the 15th century. How, when, and why it became part of the Calvary collection is unknown.

Statues #30 and #31 represent the two thieves said to have been crucified next to Jesus. Chave notes that both have been subject to “excessive restoration” and have “lost their patina.” Neither of these statues has a base.

The “good thief,” known as Saint Dismas, the one to our left, is looking directly at Jesus, almost as if he is listening to him. His hair is brushed back off his face, and he appears calm and resigned to his fate. Unlike Christ, he is not shown nailed to the cross: his arms are stretched across the crossbeam and secured with heavy ropes, while his ankles are bound together against the upright post. His body twists noticeably, with the hips turned, one knee bent, and the feet hanging unevenly, creating an impression of physical discomfort and struggle. He wears a white perizonium carved into broad, angular folds, and his ribs are sharply defined across his exposed torso.

By contrast, the “bad thief,” known as Gestas, the one to our right, appears to be scowling; his face is turned away from Jesus and partially hidden by his disheveled hair. His arms are bent awkwardly over the crossbeam and secured with ropes at the wrists, while his ankles are bound together against the upright post. The body twists sharply, with the torso leaning to one side, the knees bent, and the feet hanging unevenly, conveying physical strain and agitation. His head droops beneath long dark hair, and his downcast, troubled expression contrasts with the more attentive pose of the repentant thief. He wears a short white perizonium carved into broad, angular folds, while his exposed ribs emphasize his suffering.

Chave points out that the forearms of the good thief “are turned towards the sky to signify hope,” while those of the bad thief “are turned towards the earth in a gesture of abandonment.” Cali places both of them in station twelve.

Station X: The Descent From the Cross: 5 Statues

The tenth station, Jesus’ Descent From the Cross, consists of five statues: Jesus, two men at the top of the cross helping lower his body, and two figures at the foot of the cross. Chave calls this scene “impressive,” saying it is “probably the most remarkable piece.” He suggests that the sculptors were inspired by a 17th-century painting of the scene by Charles Le Brun, one of the most powerful and influential artists in seventeenth-century France. He became First Painter to Louis XIV, directed the Gobelins royal manufactory, played a leading role in the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture, and oversaw much of the visual decoration of Versailles, including the Hall of Mirrors. An engraving, based on his painting, titled La Descente de Croix, was reproduced in the second edition of the guide to the Calvary chapels by Father Blanc.

Chave identifies the first statue, statue #32, as Mary Magdalene, saying that she is recognizable by her hair. Cali does not agree. He calls her “A holy woman at Calvary carrying a candle, or a figure from the Ascension.” A richly dressed mourning woman wears a long dark green gown with blue highlights, an ornamented neckline, and a voluminous reddish mantle wrapped around her waist and falling in broad, deeply carved folds. Her abundant hair descends over her shoulders in elaborate curls and braids, reinforcing Chave’s identification with Mary Magdalene. One hand is raised toward her face while the other extends across her body, a dramatic gesture suggesting grief, shock, or lamentation. Her upward gaze and slightly parted lips give the figure an emotionally charged expression.

Statue #33 depicts a young male attendant participating in the removal of Jesus from the cross. He leans forward from behind the crossbeam, placing one hand upon the wood while extending the other toward Christ’s body below. His posture and directed gesture suggest that he is helping to support or guide the body during the Descent from the Cross. The figure wears a yellow tunic with a reddish collar and a broad blue sash wrapped tightly around his waist. His carefully arranged curls, wide eyes, raised brows, and slightly pursed lips give him an alert, concentrated expression.

Statue #34 depicts a bearded male attendant also assisting in the Descent from the Cross. Positioned above the crossbeam, he leans sharply forward and reaches downward, both hands extended toward Christ’s body. He wears a short blue tunic, a red sash wrapped around his waist, and a tall pointed cap decorated with a golden band. His tilted head, parted lips, and intent downward gaze convey concentration and physical effort as he helps lower or support the body. The strongly angled posture, elongated arms, large hands, and deeply carved folds give the figure a dramatic sense of movement.

Chave notes that these two figures are “more clumsily executed” than the figure of Jesus and attributes them to different artists, saying the Christ figure “was certainly made by a more experienced sculptor.”

Christ being lowered down from the cross is represented in statue #35. His body hangs limply in a pale winding cloth held by the attendants positioned above him, while one arm is raised toward the crossbeam and the other falls outward at his side. His head droops heavily against his shoulder, with closed eyes and relaxed features indicating death. The ribs are sharply defined beneath the exposed chest, and the crossed legs and dangling feet emphasize the body’s weight and helplessness. The sweeping folds of the cloth surrounding him create a strong sense of downward movement and visually link Christ with the figures above who support and lower him. It is one of the largest pieces among the Calvary statues, and the artist paid considerable attention to detail, including the perizonium, the cord holding it together, and the tassels at the end of the cord.

The final piece in this ensemble is statue #36, which depicts a bearded male mourner. He wears a long blue robe beneath a reddish mantle trimmed with a decorative golden border and arranged in broad, deeply carved folds across his chest. One hand is pressed over his heart while the other reaches outward (presumably toward Christ), creating a gesture of grief, concern, and assistance. His head is tilted upward, and his wide eyes and parted lips give his face an anguished, emotionally intense expression. He features long, carefully carved locks of hair, elongated hands, and angular drapery, in a restrained but expressive pose. Chave identifies this man as Joseph of Arimathea because of the outstretched arms. Cali does not make this connection. He identifies Joseph of Arimathea as statue #25 in station nine, The Death of Jesus. He instead calls this statue “an apostle at Calvary, according to Vence tradition, or a figure from the Ascension.”

Station XI: The Entombment: 3 Statues

Chave places just three statues in this station: Christ and two men placing him in his tomb. Statues #37 and #38 are the “valets de la mise au tombeau,” assistants or helpers. Chave theorizes that the three statues at this station were likely carved by the same person who created the Christ statue at the previous station (#35), noting that the perizonium and the cord belt with tassels are similar. Cali places statue #38 in the fourteenth station, but he does not place statue #37 in any station. Apparently, he did not consider them part of the same scene. Interestingly, neither Cali nor Chave identifies either of these men as Joseph, Arimathea, or Nicodemus, all of whom are traditionally known to have helped lay Jesus in his tomb.

Statue #37 depicts a bearded man kneeling beside the body of Christ during the Entombment. He bends deeply forward, placing one hand beneath or beside Christ’s head while extending the other along the body, as though preparing to lift, support, or arrange it upon the burial cloth. The figure wears a yellow tunic, a broad blue sash crossing his chest, and an elaborate crown-like cap, suggesting a man of rank or wealth rather than an ordinary attendant. His lowered gaze and concentrated expression emphasize the care and solemnity of his task.

Statue #38 depicts another male attendant bending forward over the body of Christ as part of the Entombment. He wears a short dark tunic, a diagonal sash across his chest, and an elaborate cap or helmet with a raised decorative crest. Both arms extend downward, with the open hands positioned above Christ’s body as though he is preparing to lift, arrange, or support it. His lowered head and concentrated expression direct attention toward the action below, while the slightly bent knees and forward-leaning posture suggest physical effort.

Statue #39 depicts the dead Christ laid out for burial. His body lies stretched upon the winding cloth, with the head turned slightly to one side and the arms resting limp alongside the torso. The closed eyes, relaxed mouth, and stillness of the pose clearly indicate death, while the sharply defined ribs and lean abdomen emphasize the suffering his body has endured. A blue-grey perizonium remains tied around his waist, its folds gathered at the center. The long hair and beard frame a calm but lifeless face, and the overall treatment of the figure combines realism in the emaciated torso with the simplified, direct expressiveness characteristic of the Vence Calvary statues.

Station XII: The Ressurection: 7 Statues

Statue #40 is the first figure in the ensemble and depicts the resurrected Christ rising in triumph. His body is shown upright and vigorous, with the right arm raised high in a gesture of blessing, victory, or ascent, while the left arm hangs slightly away from his side with the hand partly closed. His head is lifted, and his eyes turn upward, giving the figure an expression of renewed life and spiritual exaltation. Unlike the earlier representations of Christ’s suffering, his body bears no visible signs of the Crucifixion apart from a small wound in the raised palm and possible traces of injury on the feet. A blue-grey cloth is wrapped loosely around his hips in broad folds, leaving the torso and legs exposed. The upright posture, smooth chest, and extended arm emphasize strength and vitality. There is no base.

Statue #41 depicts a small cherub, an “angelot” in French, standing upright in a restrained frontal pose. He has short, carefully arranged curls, wide eyes, and slightly parted lips, giving his face an attentive and somewhat solemn expression. A faded blue-green garment is draped diagonally across one shoulder and around the lower body, leaving much of the chest exposed; carved cords, tassels, and decorative folds enrich the costume. The statue is severely damaged: its right arm is missing entirely, its left arm is broken just after the elbow, and the feet are also damaged. Its original gesture and precise role within the Calvary ensemble are impossible to determine at this point. There is no base.

Statue #42 appears to be a Roman soldier or attendant whose original identity and action can no longer be determined. He wears a short dark pleated tunic, high boots, and a pale protective garment or cuirass edged with a scalloped border. A reddish mantle is wrapped tightly across the upper body in broad overlapping folds, largely concealing the chest and shoulders. The statue has lost its head and both arms, with only a damaged shoulder or arm fragment remaining on one side, so any gesture or object once associated with the figure is unknown. Despite these losses, the upright stance, military-style costume, strongly carved drapery, and surviving traces of color clearly connect it to the other soldiers and attendants of the Vence Calvary ensemble. It stands on a very small, irregular base.

Statue #43 is identified as an Angel of the Resurrection, standing in a calm, reverent pose, probably associated with the discovery of the empty tomb and the Resurrection. The figure wears a long white robe beneath a rose-colored tunic with deeply carved folds and a broad decorative collar. Both hands are crossed over the chest in a gesture of prayer, submission, or solemn proclamation, while the head is bowed and the eyes lowered. Large carved wings rise behind the shoulders, their overlapping feathers still retaining traces of pale blue and white paint. The youthful face, carefully arranged curls, symmetrical posture, and restrained expression give the figure a sense of serenity that contrasts with the violence and grief of the preceding Passion scenes. It stands on a small rectangular base.

Chave identifies statue #44 as another Angel of the Resurrection. It is one of the most elaborate statues. The angel, likely an archangel, stands in a commanding, energetic pose. The youthful figure wears an elaborate military-style costume with a short blue tunic, golden armor and decorative edging, a diagonal blue sash, and strapped sandals. Large feathered wings spread behind the shoulders, while a radiant halo rises above the carefully curled hair. One arm is lifted high with the open hand turned outward, and the other extends to the side, creating a gesture of proclamation, triumph, or divine authority. The head turns sharply toward the extended arm, and the wide eyes and parted lips give the face an alert, animated expression. Cali agrees this is an angel and leaves open the possibility that it represents the Archangel Saint Michael; the figure’s military dress suggests this may be true, although the absence of a surviving sword or shield leaves this uncertain. Chave observes that this statue seems different from the others and was probably made by a different hand at a different time. It stands on a rectangular blue-grey base composed of several shallow, stepped levels, unlike any other base in the collection.

Cali and Chave both agree that statue #45 is a holy woman carrying spices intended for the anointing of Christ’s body. She wears a long rose-colored gown beneath a green mantle that covers her head, passes around her shoulders, and falls in broad folds diagonally across the front of her body. One hand holds the vessel close to her chest, while the other hangs open at her side in a restrained, natural gesture. Her upright posture, wide eyes, and serious expression give the figure a quiet sense of purpose and solemnity. Cali leaves open the door that it may indeed be Saint John. He bases this on the green cloak, red tunic, and chalice, all of which are sometimes associated with Saint John.

The final statue in this ensemble, statue #46, is identified simply as a holy woman of the Resurrection, probably one of the women who approached Christ’s tomb after the Resurrection. She wears a long pale blue-grey gown carved with deep vertical folds, a broad reddish sash around the waist, and a rose-colored mantle drawn over her head and wrapped across the lower body. One arm hangs naturally at her side, while the other is bent before her with the hand partly closed, suggesting that she may originally have held a vessel or another object that is now missing. Cali believes she was carrying a candle. Her head turns slightly to one side, and her wide eyes and faintly parted lips give her an attentive, quietly expectant expression. Chave specifically credits her to Dalons. Cali assigns her to station twelve.

Several early-twentieth-century postcards show the statues of the Resurrection displayed together in one of the chapels. In the example reproduced below, Christ stands at the center with his left arm raised toward heaven and what appears to be a flag or banner in his right hand. Four figures are arranged on either side of him, making a group of nine in all. Chave, however, includes only four of these figures in his reconstruction of Station XII.

Remnants

There are three additional statues, all in very poor condition, which neither Chave nor Cali associate with a specific station. All are from the 18th century, made of fruit wood, and identified as Roman soldiers. 

Statue #47 depicts a standing male figure, probably a soldier or attendant, whose original identity and action are now impossible to determine. He wears a short reddish-brown tunic beneath a pale upper garment or cuirass, edged across the chest with a broad golden band of scalloped ornament. A dark green cloth is wrapped around his hips and falls in heavy folds above the knees, leaving the lower legs and bare feet exposed. The statue has lost its head and both arms, eliminating any gesture or object that might once have clarified its role within the Calvary scenes. Despite these losses, the rigid frontal stance, military-style costume, deeply carved drapery, and surviving traces of faded color link the figure stylistically with the soldiers and attendants elsewhere in the Vence Calvary ensemble. It stands on a small, irregular base.

Statue #48 is another heavily damaged statue depicting a standing soldier or attendant whose original identity and role are no longer clear. He wears a reddish tunic crossed by a broad yellow diagonal sash, together with a short layered garment edged by a scalloped golden border and dark boots reaching to the knees. The figure stands firmly with both feet planted upon a rectangular base, suggesting an originally upright and active pose. The head, left arm, and the lower portion of the right arm are missing, so any gesture, weapon, tool, or other object once associated with the statue has been lost. The chipped paint, exposed wood, cracks, and extensive surface damage reveal the figure’s long history of deterioration and restoration.

Statue #49 is another male attendant or soldier whose original identity and action can no longer be determined. The surviving torso is clothed in a yellow tunic with short sleeves, gathered at the waist by a reddish sash, above a short red pleated skirt. The body appears to lean forward or sideways, suggesting that the figure once participated actively in one of the Passion scenes. The head is entirely missing, both arms survive only as broken stumps, and only one leg and foot remain substantially intact; the other lower limb has been lost. Extensive abrasion, cracks, insect damage, flaking paint, and exposed wood make this one of the most fragmentary statues in the Vence Calvary collection.

Pieces

The Majorca Incident – The Hanging of the High Priest

In 1746, during the War of the Austrian Succession, the Majorca Regiment was stationed in Vence. Because the town had no large military barracks, many of its officers and soldiers were quartered in private homes. Such an arrangement inevitably led to tension, complaints, and occasional conflict between the troops and the local population. During the regiment’s stay, houses were pillaged, doors were broken, money disappeared from the confraternities’ collection boxes, and altar cloths, decorative fringes, and silver braid were stolen from the churches. Although no one was formally charged, the soldiers were widely suspected of being responsible. On November 17, 1746, Claude Vacquier was formally tasked with assessing the damage.

Honoré Jean, a clergyman who had formerly served as a chaplain aboard the French royal galleys, submitted a complaint to the Intendant of Provence, one of the highest royal officials in the province. According to Jean, a captain quartered in his home had spent two months entertaining groups there almost every evening until one o’clock in the morning. The visitors gambled, danced, and engaged in what Jean called “feats of arms,” probably referring to fencing, swordplay, demonstrations of military skill, or noisy mock combat rather than actual fighting. Unable to persuade the captain to stop, Jean appealed to the authorities for relief.

Jean was even more disturbed by an act of sacrilege involving one of the figures from the Calvaire. In his complaint, he described himself as:

“… even more troubled by an astonishing act of impiety that he saw in front of his house: from one of the chapels of the Calvary, five or six hundred paces from the town, where all the mysteries of the Passion are represented by life-size carved figures, and where indulgences are granted on the days of the Cross, they removed, I say, the figure representing the High Priest of the Old Law, and came and hanged it in the town from a tree in the square where the petitioner’s house stands. When daylight came, the people shuddered at such a sight. The soldiers took it down and carried it to the guardhouse, where it remained for about three hours. Then the same soldiers brought it back to the square, from where it was recovered by the rector of the Calvary. After such an act of impiety, which no one dares to denounce, what is there not to fear?”

Jean therefore asked that his home be exempt from further soldier billeting. He pointed out that in recent years he had already been required to accommodate an officer of the Condé Regiment as well as German troops. His complaint provides a vivid glimpse of the burdens imposed on the inhabitants of Vence when military units were stationed in the town, while also preserving one of the earliest known accounts of damage inflicted upon the statues of the Calvaire.

The Statues and the Revolution

Over the years, there has been much speculation as to the original statues and what fate might have befallen them during and after the French Revolution. In Un touriste à Vence, Tisserand asserts that the Calvary was ruined in 1793 and that the old statues had been replaced “by figures each more horrible than the last.” This, of course, leads to speculation that the statues we have today are not the original statues associated with the chapels.

In History of Vence, Tisserand writes that “the statues of the Calvary were burned” in 1793. And, in another book, Histoire de la Révolution française dans les Alpes-Maritimes (History of the French Revolution in the Alpes-Maritimes), published in 1878, he developed the story further, writing, “In Vence, the statues from the Calvary were brought to the town hall. One of the municipal officers who was there said, ‘Let us take some of this wood from the Calvary and see how well it burns.’ No sooner had he set fire to it than he began to suffocate. He went outside, and upon reaching the doorway of the town hall, he was struck down by a fatal apoplectic seizure. A certain man from the County of Nice, known as Brûle bon Dieu (God Burner), was struck blind and exhibited throughout the region as an example of divine punishment. Another man, who had made his fortune from Church property, was found dead in his cellar, his head resting upon his accumulated riches. We would never finish if we were to recount here all such punishments inflicted by God in our region alone.” 

We must note, however, that in his second description, Tisserand does not claim that all the statues were burned, but only that one was. He also doesn’t claim that it was destroyed, only that it was “set fire to.” What are we to make of these seemingly three different statements, that if not downright contradictory, or, at the very least, confusing? And only Tisserand has ever suggested that any of the statues were burned. There is no evidence to support this claim.

Baudot offers a different perspective, writing: “I am very much afraid that Tisserand is relying here on what people in Vence may have told him sixty years after the events, and that he had no other source than these “testimonies” that historians must treat with suspicion.” He continues, “The removal of the statues to the town hall has a very simple explanation: since the chapels were going to be sold, the statues were removed in order to preserve them. If the intention had been to burn them, why go to the trouble of transporting them? All this belongs to a literature of propaganda which, for two hundred years, has tried to denounce ‘revolutionary vandalism’ indiscriminately and often wrongly.” Baudot also notes that Tisserand never identifies the municipal officer who supposedly set fire to the statue and that no records from the time show one who died while in office.
 
Some nineteenth‐century local writers claimed that during the Revolution a detachment of “volunteers, most of whom were Huguenots,” passed through Vence and completely wrecked the Calvaire chapels. For example, Pierre Boyer (writing in Provençal and published by Frédéric Mistral in L’Aïòli, 1891) alleges that the volunteers “destroyed everything, breaking and smashing everything to pieces, even the cross of the Savior.”  In another account, a soldier who was traveling through Vence wrote: “There was, within a musket shot of Vence, a very beautiful Calvary. It was built on a small hill covered with pines and shrubs, which perfectly represented Calvary. At the foot of the hill, there was a large wooden cross. Following this, there were small chapels, fourteen in number, containing the complete mystery of the Passion, all well represented by large figures… But then, some volunteers, most of whom were Huguenots passed through Vence and destroyed everything, breaking and smashing everything, even the cross of the Savior. This caused great distress to everyone, because, according to what the local inhabitants said, many people used to come here to conduct their business.” Once again we have an account claiming that everything was destroyed. We should note there were never fourteen chapels. This soldier likely confused the number of “chapels” with the number of “stations of the cross.”

These vivid stories portray an almost total iconoclasm – all chapels and statues smashed – by anti‐Catholic troops. However, such late memoirs are treated with caution by historians. Modern scholars note that contemporary sources do not corroborate Boyer’s colorful style and the anonymous “soldier” narrative. In fact, no surviving municipal report or official record of 1789–94 in Vence explicitly blames any unit for destroying the Calvaire. Baudot observes that Boyer’s account “seems freely invented” and that“the Calvary is not expressly mentioned” in the archives of volunteer battalions.

In reality, Vence’s heritage sources record that the Calvaire chapels were “détérioré[s] pendant la Révolution” (deteriorated during the Revolution) and later repaired. The town’s official publications confirm that the Calvary was indeed damaged in the revolutionary period – “dommagé durantla Révolution de 1789” – and rebuilt around 1810. Likewise, the Mairie notes that the surviving polychrome statues from the chapels were “abîmées et pillées à la Révolution” (damaged and pillaged). These sources nowhere mention any “Huguenot” perpetrators – only the general anti‐clerical fervor of 1789–94. In short, while the Calvaire at Vence was vandalized during the Revolution (as French iconoclasm swept many churches), the harsh accounts blaming Protestant volunteers appear to be later legend. The evidence today points to generic revolutionary vandalism rather than a targeted Huguenot attack.

Jacques Daurelle, in his 1934 book Vence et ses monuments (Vence and Its Monuments), also claims that all the original statues were destroyed. He writes, “These ‘natural’ statues were burned on the Calvary on December 20, 1793, by fanatics, which, according to Henri Giraud, earned the people of Vence the nickname ‘Brûle Bon Dieu’ (‘God Burners’).” He goes on to say, “All the statues, except for the centurion in the chapel of Sainte-Anne and perhaps Saint Peter in the Great Chapel, fed their bonfire. As for the current statues, they are modern. The oldest likely date back to the restoration of the Calvary begun in 1810 by Father Pierre Abou. They hold value only as mementos.” Again, Jacques Chave directly contradicts this account.

Another, more recent account suggests that the statues were not burned or destroyed, but sent to the Mint in Paris. Monseigneur Denis Ghiraldi, who states in a 1993 article he wrote about the relics of Saint Véran and Saint Lambert that during the revolution, “The statues of the Calvary and all the remaining instruments of fanaticism were brought to be sent to the Mint, according to the report recorded in the society’s register.” This makes no sense, as only silver and gold items were sent to the Mint. There would be no reason to send the wooden calvary statues. Once again, this directly contradicts Chave’s assessment that almost 40 statues date from the 1700s. How could this many have survived if they were all sent to the Mint during the French Revolution?

The Legend of the “God Burners”

As we have seen, several unsubstantiated accounts have claimed that some or all of the Calvary statues were burned during the Revolution. From these stories arose a notorious nickname that was applied not merely to those supposedly responsible, but to the entire population of Vence and even to later generations: Les Brûle Bon Dieu—“the God-burners.” Until relatively recently, it was reportedly unwise to use the name in Vence, even in jest.

One version of the legend attributes the name to a mayor named Maurel, who supposedly threw a figure of Christ into a fire outside the Town Hall, only for it to rise upright amid the flames. According to another variation, Maurel used a crucifix to light his fire.

A different account places the incident within the broader unrest affecting Vence at the time. The town was suffering from political turmoil, a severe winter, and food shortages. Church bells and silver objects had been sold, while Commander Masséna had arrived from Antibes to restore order. Relations between the inhabitants and the troops were extremely tense. The soldiers behaved as though they were in conquered territory and complained of the hostility shown by the local population. Reprisals were threatened on both sides, and only the authority of the military commanders and municipal officials prevented the situation from erupting into open violence.

According to this version, the town gates were closed at night and the soldiers were refused entry. Knowing how deeply the people of Vence valued their Calvary, a group of soldiers—perhaps inflamed by wine, resentment, or both—may then have climbed the hill and set it on fire. By the following day, news of the destruction had begun to spread. As the story passed from village to village, it was simplified and distorted: “Those scoundrels from Vence have burned their Calvary!” Soon this became D’aquelei brulo bon Dieu!—“Those God-burners!”

Thus, according to the legend, the people of Vence acquired a name derived from an act they had neither committed nor intended. The victims of the destruction were transformed, through rumor and repetition, into its perpetrators.

Restorations

Cali says the statues were restored in 1805, 1833, 1875 and sometime after 1958 (he doesn’t give an exact date). He attributes the final restoration to M. Mainponte.

The Deterioration of the Chapels and Statues

Over time, the chapels gradually fell into disrepair. The window grilles intended to protect their interiors were frequently broken, sometimes by people attempting to recover coins that worshippers had thrown inside. The frescoes also suffered damage, including from children who reportedly threw stones at the figures painted on the walls.

Noted Vence historian Oswald Baudot recalls: “In my early youth (if I can rely on my rather unreliable memory as a document), that is to say, at the end of the 1920s or the beginning of the 1930s, the chapels were still intact. Their openwork doors were doubled with a heavy wire mesh through which one could see the figures standing in their postures… The statues were no longer protected. They were gathered in the Sainte-Anne chapel, and then in the Grand Chapel.”

The chapels later fell once again into neglect and abandonment. Some were used for storage, while during the Second World War they served as temporary quarters for soldiers. Petite states that the statues were restored in a Paris workshop in 1958.

During the 1970s, the main chapel was opened to visitors during the tourist season, when a volunteer guide provided information about the chapels and their statues. For the remaining nine months of the year, however, the collection was locked away from public view. The damp and dirty conditions inside the chapel contributed to the statues’ continuing deterioration. Concerned by the poor state of the large Calvary chapel, the municipal arts commission recommended transferring the statuary to the Sainte-Anne Chapel.

In 1976, some of the statues were moved once again, this time to Vence Cathedral. Baudot lamented this decision, saying, “I challenged the principle of this exhibition, first because the style of the Calvary statues is not at all that of our church; above all because the dispersal of the statues, some in the church, others at the Calvary, seems to me dangerous for their preservation. How many are there in each place?” At a later date, the remaining statues were likewise transferred to Vence Cathedral, where the entire collection is now preserved.

In Vence—Parcourue pour vous, Petite states that the chapels received official recognition from the Monuments historiques, under the authority of the Beaux-Arts administration, in 1958. This designation acknowledged their architectural, artistic, and historical significance and afforded them a degree of official protection. A further, more important step followed on December 14, 1989, when the French Ministry of Culture formally classified the chapels as a Monument historique. This classification greatly improved the prospects for their eventual restoration and rehabilitation.

In the winter of 1999, the statues were gathered and displayed in the Chapelle des Pénitents Blancs (Chapel of the White Penitents) in Vence, where they drew over 5,000 visitors.

Fragments d’une Passion selon le Calvaire de Vence (Fragments of a Passion According to the Calvary of Vence)

François Cali’s Fragments d’une Passion selon le Calvaire de Vence was published in Vence in 1976 by the Association de sauvegarde des monuments et sites de Vence. It was issued in two closely related forms, both containing the same information. The second version has a cover that adds “Pour la restauation du Calvaire de Vence.” On the back it says, “Le bénéfice de la vente de ce livre est intégralement utilisé à la restauration des statues et des chapelles du Calvaire de Vence.” (The proceeds from the sale of this book are used entirely for the restoration of the statues and chapels of the Calvary of Vence.)

The book was a limited, locally produced publication combining historical commentary, literary meditation, photography, and documentation. Its expanded subtitle indicates that it contained fourteen leçons, thirteen traits, fourteen images, and a photographic inventory of the fifty-one polychrome statues. Cali’s fourteen leçons do not simply reproduce the familiar fourteen Stations of the Cross. Instead, they have reorganized the distinctive Vence sculptural cycle into a fourteen-part meditation extending across the entire Passion narrative—from Gethsemane, Christ’s arrest, the trial, Peter’s remorse, the Flagellation, and the Ecce Homo through the carrying of the cross, Crucifixion, death, Descent, Entombment, and Resurrection. The Vence Calvary therefore resembles a broad scriptural Passion drama more than the standardized Way of the Cross, which begins with Christ’s condemnation and ends at the tomb.

Cali’s work remains important because he was the first to inventory, catalog, and photographically document the statues. It has been cited in official French heritage records. Today the book is somewhat rare, and no publicly accessible digital copies are available. Interestingly, the date printed on both editions is MXCLXXVI, which is 1166. The correct Roman numeral for 1976 (the date of publication) is MCMLXXVI. Hard to know what to make of this.

Le Calvaire de Vence (The Calvary of Vence)

Published in 2024, Jacques Chave’s Le Calvaire de Vence is the most substantial recent study devoted to the chapels and statues of the Calvary of Vence. Chave, a local historian and active defender of Vence’s religious heritage, brings together archival research, earlier accounts, and close observation of the surviving works. The book is illustrated with beautiful photographs by Michel Graniou and includes prefaces by heritage conservator Jean-Loup Fontana and Canon Daniel Bréhier. Together, the text and images introduce readers to a remarkable ensemble that, although it is important and rare in Provence, remains unfamiliar even to many Vence residents.

Chave traces the development of the Calvary, the changing number and arrangement of its chapels, and the troubled history of the statues that once stood within them. He examines the surviving documentary evidence while also attempting to identify individual figures and arrange them within the episodes of Christ’s Passion and Resurrection. The photographs are particularly valuable, permitting readers to compare differences in facial expression, proportion, carving, clothing, and finish. These dissimilarities reveal that the collection was not the work of a single sculptor or workshop, but was assembled over time from the work of artisans with widely differing styles and levels of skill. The result is not a conventional catalog of polished religious sculpture, but a study of an unusually expressive body of popular devotional art.

The book’s greatest strength resides in its effort to preserve and interpret a collection whose original organization can no longer be reconstructed with certainty. Fires, neglect, restoration, relocation, and the loss of archival records have left many questions unanswered, and some of Chave’s identifications and proposed groupings must therefore remain open to discussion. Nevertheless, Le Calvaire de Vence provides an indispensable basis for further research. By bringing the surviving evidence together and presenting the statues in clear photographic detail, Chave has restored attention to works that deserve recognition as among the most distinctive treasures preserved in Vence Cathedral.

Face Gallery

The differences in style among the statues are especially apparent in their faces. Some are carefully modeled, with balanced features, subtle expressions, and a convincing sense of individuality. Others are more roughly carved, with simplified eyes, broad noses, heavy jaws, or exaggerated expressions. The treatment of hair, beards, wrinkles, and facial proportions also varies considerably from one figure to another. These contrasts strongly suggest that the statues were produced by several artists or workshops, each working with a different level of training, skill, and artistic sensibility. Click on any image to see a large, close-up of each face.

Access

Vence can easily be reached from just about anywhere in France by taking the A8 until you get to Cagnes-sur-Mer. If you are coming from the east get off on Exit 48 and if you are coming from the west you’ll want Exit 47. Take the M336, then the M36 and finally the M236 north into Vence. The most accessible parking is in the Parking du Grand Jardin, right next to the old town. Parking Toreille and Marie Antoinette Parking are both close by as well.

There are two buses which run from Nice to Vence: #9 and #655. Just be careful with the #9, it can be a bit confusing because it has two routes leaving from the Park Phoenix in Nice. One route stops at the Shopping Promenade mall which is still about 8kms from Vence. Look at the route displayed on the front of the bus at the top. It should say “L’Ara” which is the last bus stop in Vence. All the #9 buses returning to Nice from Vence go all the way to Park Phoenix.

There is no train service directly to Vence. You can take the train to Cagnes-sur-Mer and then take either the #9 or #655 bus from Cagnes-sur-Mer to Vence.

The closest parking to the Cathedral would be the Parking du Grand Jardin, right next to the old town. Parking Toreille and Marie Antoinette Parking are both close by as well. From the Grand Jardin (located in the heart of the town) walk down Avenue Marcellin Maurel and turn into the old town at the arched passageway at Rue Alsace Lorraine. The Cathedral is straight ahead.

The Cathedral is usually open to the public every day though it may be closed from time to time. The Trésor (upstairs) where the statues are found is open on selected days from 11AM to 1PM and again from 2:30M to 6PM. Unfortunately, since it is staffed by volunteers, there is currently no exact schedule for which days it is open.